By Scott B MacDonald
NEW YORK - Sitting astride key sea lanes on the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean and not far from the Arabian Peninsula's oil fields, Somalia on the east coast of Africa is not an obscure piece of real estate. This country of roughly 9 million people represents an increasingly dangerous problem to its neighbors in the form of international piracy and the potential for outside forces to meddle. Lacking an effective central government since the downfall of the Siad Barre regime in 1991, it appears Somalia could be hitting another turning point as the Council of Islamic Courts of Somalia (CICS) has gained control over much of the south, including the capital Mogadishu.
Considering probable past linkages to Osama bin Laden and a clear sympathy to the objective of creating a society built around sharia or Islamic law, the CICS has prompted the return of international attention to Somalia, with concerns this war-torn land could be following the same path as Afghanistan did under the Taliban.
Afghanistan and Somalia share something - both have undergone long periods of lawlessness, a reflection of weak or non-existent central governments. For the vast majority of people living in Afghanistan and Somalia, personal safety depended on the guns of the local warlord, hardly a satisfactory arrangement.
Consequently, when a group such as the Taliban in Afghanistan came along in the 1990s, offering law and order and an easy to understand ideology (radical Islam), there was a strong appeal. The Taliban were able to take over most of Afghanistan in a relatively short time, including the capital of Kabul because they offered something beyond the localized interest of a handful of thug-like warlords - at least initially.
The same is occurring in Somalia, though a similar outcome is hardly cast in stone. Located on the eastern horn of Africa, Somalia has a sad history. Since 1991, it has been badly fragmented and has earned the moniker of being Africa's "most-failed state". The northern part of the country has spun off into the self-proclaimed Republic of Somaliland and semi-autonomous Puntland, with the largest part of the country in the south long being a war zone, with various warlords and clans slugging it out for control over the former capital of Mogadishu.
There is a weak transitional government (backed by other African countries), independent warlords, and the CICS. The CICS has gained ground in June and July, including taking control of Mogadishu, something of symbolic value. The CICS is a relatively broad-based Islamic movement, seeking to impose sharia law on the areas under its control, hence its heavy reliance on courts, backed by Muslim militias. It also marks a sharp contrast thus far from the arbitrary nature of local warlords, who are motivated by individual and clan interests.
For the long-embattled population, this is a positive departure. The country has a life expectancy of 48.45 years, one of the lowest in the world, infectious diseases are widespread (including malaria, bacterial diarrhea and typhoid fever), and it has one of the world's highest birth rates (close to 3%). It is estimated that literacy is about 37%, low by even African standards. Economic life is rudimentary, considering the breakdown in infrastructure. Somalia, however, does have economic potential.
The country is known to have supplies of uranium, iron ore, bauxite, copper, natural gas and probable oil reserves. Considering the charged nature of international energy and commodity markets, Somalia could benefit from commercial exploitation of its natural resources. Moreover, the country has a certain entrepreneurial spirit, reflected by the creation and maintenance of a wireless telecommunications system and a system of remittances banks that handle an estimated US$500 million from Somalis living aboard.
While warlords have created lawlessness on land, they have used piracy to finance their operations, making the Somali coast one of the most dangerous stretches of water in the world according to the International Maritime Bureau and the United Nations. International shipping is subject to both raids for cargo and the holding of ships' crews for ransom.
Consequently, it is little wonder that the CICS offering of law and order has an appeal, especially considering the weakness of the transitory government and the power of warlords, much along the same lines as the Taliban did in Afghanistan. Yet the rise of the CICS is problematic.
Members of the CICS have indicated support for al-Qaeda, and it is suspected that a number of international terrorists involved in the 1998 bombings of US embassies in East Africa have taken refuge in the country.
Questions are also being raised about the possible flow of funds to radicals there from Saudi Arabia and Yemen. In addition, bin Laden recently warned he would help the CICS fight any foreigners that enter Somalia, a comment aimed at Ethiopia (which probably has small numbers of troops across the border on behalf of the transition government) and the United States. Heightening concerns about the hardline Islamic angle, the CICS recently replaced a relatively moderate cleric as leader for Sheik Hassan Dahir Aweys, who is on the US terrorist watch list as a suspected al-Qaeda collaborator. Aweys is the founder of al-Itihad, a radical Islamic group founded in the 1990s. The organization adheres to a strict reading of the Koran (similar to Wahhabi interpretation used by the Taliban in Afghanistan), has developed a beneficial relationship with major traders and remittance banks and has courted support from Somalia's poorest urban population with offers of welfare services. It has also been credited with several attacks in Ethiopia, which has been concerned about Somali claims over territory. Aweys admitted past contact with bin Laden, though no recent links.
The danger in Somalia is if the CICS becomes the dominant force pushed along by external opposition and support, it could create a Taliban-like state on a strategic crossroads. While adding one more potential headache in calculating international oil prices, it could only add to the country's problems. A more successful and radical CICS could be one result of stepped-up US involvement - Washington has already allegedly provided financial support for warlords to eliminate radical Islamic terrorists. In looking to Somalia's future and its impact on the world, three points must be considered.
First and foremost, most Somalis are probably not inclined to support a new Taliban regime. In those areas under CICS control, the clerics banned World Cup soccer "watching parties", cutting off electricity to theaters showing the games. In one case this resulted in the shooting of two demonstrators. Women have also been ordered to wear veils. Both moves have not gone over well with the majority of Somalis. In addition, most Somalis are aware the Taliban brought in al-Qaeda and even more violence.
Second, Somalia has been down this road before - during the 1970s the Horn of Africa became a proxy war zone in the Cold War and with disastrous effects. Somalia's bid to win its claim on a slice of Ethiopia ended up in a massive Soviet and Cuban intervention against Somalia, from which the Barre regime never fully recovered. Another round of external intervention could reinforce the current fragmentation.
Along these lines, Ethiopia is already deeply involved in Somalia's affairs, considering the troop build-up along the border, probable support of its troops inside the territory held by the transitional government and ongoing suspicion of the CICS as an instrument of Eritrea, with which it has a border dispute. Considering that foreign radical Islamists are probably also involved, as well as US special forces operating out of Djibouti, foreign involvement involving assassinations and military strikes is not likely to be the glue needed to pull things together again.
Third, Somalia does have a framework for creating a broad-based government, the Nairobi accords. Other African governments have a clear reason to provide greater support to making a new government work in Somalia as the creation of a Taliban-like state in the Horn of Africa would not be a positive development, especially considering the weak nature of many governments.
Such a development would be dangerous on many levels - stirring up radical Islam in countries with multi-religious populations (such as Kenya, Tanzania and Nigeria) or in places where moderate Islam has long ruled. Somalia also represents a tough challenge for the United States.
The 1993 US military intervention (along with other United Nations forces) was best remembered by the movie Black Hawk Down in which 18 special forces soldiers were killed in a failed attempt to capture the warlord Mohammad Farrah Aidid and restore order.
The consequent US withdrawal was taken by al-Qaeda as a sign the US had little staying power when circumstances turned tough - a fatal miscalculation. All the same, US policy since 2004 of supporting along with the UN the ineffectual transitional government has generated few rewards.
Now, a more radical form of Islam could be rising. Somalis have reached yet another fork in the road of their "national" development. One road leads to radical Islam and the very real potential for greater outside intervention - most likely by neighbors afraid of a Taliban-like regime on their doorstep.
The other road is equally challenging, but the end game may have something Somalis badly desire - peace and stability. That road is to work harder at creating a broad-gauged government, with room for moderate Islam as well as secular forces. This road requires the country's clans to surrender some power, the CICS to be flexible in dealing with the concerns of the international community (in particular in regard to terrorism) and external forces to be helpful where possible and show restraint when necessary.
None of this will be easy, but the danger of a Somalia becoming increasingly embroiled in the "war against terrorism" is not in anyone's interest.
Scott B MacDonald is editor and senior consultant of KWR International Advisor.
Tuesday, July 18, 2006
Ethiopian Foreign Policy: An Out-dated, Misguided, Narrow, and Counterproductive Policy
Whenever the question of Somaliland’s recognition arises or is put forward to the government of the brotherly and neighbourly Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia, their leaders particularly H.E. Ato Seyoum Mesfin, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, is known to become a bit uncomfortable, defensive, and beats about the bush in order to circumvent, deflect, and diminish the question in hand in the bid to wash off blame from his government and himself for dragging their feet or reluctance by throwing in, on every occasions, the usual inadequate; well rehearsed, repetitive, and a terse one sentence statement answer such as: Ethiopia will not be the first or the last to recognize Somaliland—meaning, if another country first recognizes Somaliland then, Ethiopia will probably be the second country to follow suit, which in essence does not clarify anything except to further obscures the issue and to hide the real position of their government. Obviously, if another country first recognizes Somaliland, Ethiopia’s recognition will not have much weight or impact since many other countries such as United Kingdom, US, South Africa, Nigeria, Egypt, Sudan, Djibouti, Eritrea, Somalia, etc. will certainly follow suit and recognize Somaliland.
In fact, what H.E. Ato Seyoum Mesfin and his landlocked country/government have not given much thought or fails to understand is the simple fact that the first country who recognizes Somaliland will greatly win the hearts and minds of the people of Somaliland. And that this courageous and pragmatic country to be will certainly become the closest friend and ally of the people and state of Somaliland and the real winner in terms of securing some of the lucrative economic and reconstruction contracts. This also means that if another country first recognizes Somaliland then, Ethiopia will not continue to enjoy the existing imbalance of trade, the lopsided deals, and the current rock-bottom tariffs in place particularly on the use of the Berbera Port.
So why then, is Ethiopia failing to understand the benefits of becoming the first country to recognize the peaceful and democratic Somaliland? And why is Ethiopia failing to capitalize on the enormous political, economic, and social rewards that comes with the recognition of Somaliland—an over due, simple, noble, and just deed?
Likewise, whenever Ethiopia is confronted with the question as to why it covertly and overtly supports, arms, and hosts the various factions of the anarchic Somalia particularly the Puntland regional administration, a provocative tribal entity that is known to perpetuate hate, war, and instability in both Somalia and Somaliland and known to be a close ally of the ONLF Terrorists who are trained in Eritrea who currently operate in Ethiopia, which illegally occupies some parts of Sanaag and Sool regions of Somaliland simply on the basis that the inhabitants of these regions happen to be of Harti/Darood clan and that since they are tribally affiliated, they are better off to be with Puntland rather than with Somaliland, again, the usual line of the Ethiopian answer on this issue is: We maintain a neutral foreign policy with both Somaliland and Somalia including Puntland!! Apparently, this also includes the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), a Warlord infested paper government, which controls no land or represent no one, which was concocted by IGAD in Mbagathi, Kenya in 2004, which Ethiopia staunchly supports claims sovereignty over Somaliland as it is evident in its so-called Charter as well as statements by their Warlords/leaders!!
Is this not clear evidence of a disingenuous, double standard, and self-defeating foreign policy? And if this means that ‘what is good for the goose is good for the gender’ and that it is free to forge a close relations with the rival Somaliland and Somalia, what will stop Somaliland to forge a close relations with the rival Ethiopia and Eritrea? I think it is about time for Somaliland to reciprocate Ethiopia’s unfavourable and dangerous policies and begin to forge a close relations with Eritrea.
For Ethiopia to, on one hand, use the Somaliland-Somalia predicament as an opportunity to create further instability and bloodshed in the region and to create a never ending political and military quagmire for its perceived “age-old enemies” and to take advantage of the prevailing anarchy in Somalia and the lack of recognition of Somaliland and to use these brotherly peoples and countries as a pawn to advance its hidden agenda and to recklessly plunge its country as well as the entire region into unnecessary hostilities, unjustifiable war footing, and to wage a never ending phantom “War On Terrorism”, while it covertly and overtly supports and arms extremists and moderates on both sides of the isle at the expense of the innocent civilians of Somalia for the purposes of a narrow political objectives and meager financial gains is unacceptable and deplorable. Whether Ethiopia playing these dirty politics in the Horn of Africa region out of sheer ignorance or it is intentional so as to mislead and distract its citizenry from the ever mounting domestic problems, disenfranchisements, and loss of public confidence with the Addis Ababa administration remains to be seen.
And for Ethiopia to, on the other hand, be in cahoots with the same backward forces of irredentism, instability, insecurity, and extremism in the Horn of Africa region such as the TFG, remnants of the deposed fascist and tyrannical military regime of the deposed Dictator Siad Bare, criminal Warlords, the Court of Islamic Council (CIC) formerly known as the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), Al-Itihad Al-Islamia Terrorist group, ONLF terrorists operating in Ethiopia that is also backed by the rival Eritrea, etc., signifies that the Ethiopian foreign policy is an out-dated, misguided, narrow, and counterproductive policy. And the following are some examples of its dark and unhelpful policies:
Ethiopia has one way or the other supported, armed, hosted, and bankrolled some of the most extremist factions and leaders of ICU who were then, under the umbrella of the defunct and so-called Somali Reconciliation and Restoration Council (SRRC) faction such as Warlord Col. Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys who is the former leader of Al-Itihad Al-Islami Terrorist group and current leader of the ICU, Warlord Sheikh Yusuf Mohamed Siyad (Indho Ade) who occupies the Lower Shabelle region, Warlord Col. Bare Adan Shire (Bare Hiraale) who occupies the Lower Juba Region, and others all of whom are against the TFG, which Ethiopia staunchly supports!! Is this not clear evidence that Ethiopia is shooting itself on the foot?
Ethiopia has previously bolstered the late irredentist, over ambitious, and power hungry Warlord Gen. Mohamed Farah Aydid who was the leader of the SRRC faction who was appointed as the president of Somalia at the Sodare Conference in Ethiopia in 1993, propped up Warlord Hussein Mohamed Aydid, the son of the former and member of the defunct SRRC, member the defeated Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counterterrorism (ARPCT), and the current Deputy Prime Minister and the Minister of Interior of TFG. Despite all the pampering and good will showered on this criminal family by Ethiopia, isn’t it now clear that they were all along backing the wrong horses?
Ethiopia has greatly shored-up the old and waning Warlord Col. Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed—an old and lame vulture that can’t fly who is the most hated Warlord in Somalia who was and still is the leader of the defunct tribal SSDF guerillas, a member of the defunct SRRC faction, and the current TFG president, and others. Apparently this Warlord is the founder of the Puntland regional administration, Somalia—the tribal entity that claims parts of Sanaag and Sool regions of the Republic of Somaliland!! Again, is this not clear evidence that Ethiopia is backing the wrong horse and the staunchest enemy of the cause and existence of Somaliland? Is this also not clear evidence that Ethiopia is using double standard policies in regards to the Somaliland-Somalia predicament?
Ethiopia has promoted, armed, and financed most of the notorious Mogadishu Warlords such as Warlord Mohamed Qanyare Afrah, Warlord Col. Mohamed Omar Habeb (Mohamed Dhere), Warlord Muse Suudi Yalahow, Warlord Bashir Raghe, Warlord Abdi Hassan Awale (Abdi Qaybdiid), and others who formed the so-called Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counterterrorism (ARPCT) coalition. Apparently these Warlords who were holed in Mogadishu were the ones who were holding hostage the people and the anarchic state of Somalia and known to be against the existence of the TFG, which Ethiopia help create and arms and supports staunchly. Is this not evidence of a rudderless foreign policy?
Today, the defunct Al-Itihad Al-Islamia Terrorist group, the Warlords under the umbrella of the defunct SSRC faction—an Ethiopia supported coalition of Warlords, Restoration of Alliance for the Peace and Counterterrorism (ARPCT)—a coalition of US-backed Warlords, which Ethiopia also supports and the many other tribal factions have mutated into the following three main factions:
1) The TFG—a coalition of the remnants of the fascist and tyrannical military regime of the deposed Dictator Gen. Siad Bare, TNG, SSDF, SSRC, ARPCT, and others.
2) The CIC—a coalition of former Al-Itihad Al-Islamia Terrorist group and other religious extremists, some members of the former Transitional National Government (TNG)—led by Warlord Abdiqasim Salad Hassan, some members of the SRRC Warlords, and others.
3) The Puntland regional administration—the tribal and hatemonger entity that propels the Daroodism ideology an equivalent of Nazism who endeavours to install a Darood clan rule or dynasty over Somalia, Somaliland, and the Somali State of federal Ethiopia!!
As a result, it is not known who is benefiting from the dubious Ethiopian foreign policy and actions in the Horn of Africa region, and why this country that should have known better continues to, time and again, cry foul of “Terrorism” existing or happening here and there, while it provides political, military, and financial support to most of the criminal Warlords, tribal factions, religious extremists, and their tribal militias in Somalia or what is in it for maintaining such a naked double standard stance towards the intrepid people and democratic Republic of Somaliland by supporting the forces of irredentism who are closely aligned with the ONLF who even claim parts of Ethiopia, let alone Somaliland who continue to perpetuate the long dead illogical dream of “Greater Somalia!!
On the same token, it is not known whether its undesirable conduct as well as its current political, military, economic, and social actions in the horn of Africa region serves its genuine national interests or whether its policies had been purposefully tailored to serve only the narrow, tribal, individual, and regional interests of the former Tigre Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) or whether it is actually acting as conduit to serve and protect the interests of some foreign powers.
But what is known for sure is that Ethiopia endeavours to become the sole regional power in the Horn of Africa region even though it wants to attain these on the cheap and at the expense of both Somaliland and Somalia and by way of a rudderless foreign policy, that is, out-dated, misguided, narrow, and a counterproductive policy. In fact, most of the arms and ammunitions supplied to the various tribal entities such as Puntland, factions, Warlords and their tribal militias, ARPCT, and the TFG are believed to be in the hands of the CIC!!
Whatever the case, it is about time that Ethiopia reconsiders its counterproductive policies and understands that it can not have both ways unscathed and that the recognition of Somaliland is indeed in its best public and national interest. Let those who understand take heed.
Farah Ali Jama,
Ottawa, Canada.
In fact, what H.E. Ato Seyoum Mesfin and his landlocked country/government have not given much thought or fails to understand is the simple fact that the first country who recognizes Somaliland will greatly win the hearts and minds of the people of Somaliland. And that this courageous and pragmatic country to be will certainly become the closest friend and ally of the people and state of Somaliland and the real winner in terms of securing some of the lucrative economic and reconstruction contracts. This also means that if another country first recognizes Somaliland then, Ethiopia will not continue to enjoy the existing imbalance of trade, the lopsided deals, and the current rock-bottom tariffs in place particularly on the use of the Berbera Port.
So why then, is Ethiopia failing to understand the benefits of becoming the first country to recognize the peaceful and democratic Somaliland? And why is Ethiopia failing to capitalize on the enormous political, economic, and social rewards that comes with the recognition of Somaliland—an over due, simple, noble, and just deed?
Likewise, whenever Ethiopia is confronted with the question as to why it covertly and overtly supports, arms, and hosts the various factions of the anarchic Somalia particularly the Puntland regional administration, a provocative tribal entity that is known to perpetuate hate, war, and instability in both Somalia and Somaliland and known to be a close ally of the ONLF Terrorists who are trained in Eritrea who currently operate in Ethiopia, which illegally occupies some parts of Sanaag and Sool regions of Somaliland simply on the basis that the inhabitants of these regions happen to be of Harti/Darood clan and that since they are tribally affiliated, they are better off to be with Puntland rather than with Somaliland, again, the usual line of the Ethiopian answer on this issue is: We maintain a neutral foreign policy with both Somaliland and Somalia including Puntland!! Apparently, this also includes the Transitional Federal Government (TFG), a Warlord infested paper government, which controls no land or represent no one, which was concocted by IGAD in Mbagathi, Kenya in 2004, which Ethiopia staunchly supports claims sovereignty over Somaliland as it is evident in its so-called Charter as well as statements by their Warlords/leaders!!
Is this not clear evidence of a disingenuous, double standard, and self-defeating foreign policy? And if this means that ‘what is good for the goose is good for the gender’ and that it is free to forge a close relations with the rival Somaliland and Somalia, what will stop Somaliland to forge a close relations with the rival Ethiopia and Eritrea? I think it is about time for Somaliland to reciprocate Ethiopia’s unfavourable and dangerous policies and begin to forge a close relations with Eritrea.
For Ethiopia to, on one hand, use the Somaliland-Somalia predicament as an opportunity to create further instability and bloodshed in the region and to create a never ending political and military quagmire for its perceived “age-old enemies” and to take advantage of the prevailing anarchy in Somalia and the lack of recognition of Somaliland and to use these brotherly peoples and countries as a pawn to advance its hidden agenda and to recklessly plunge its country as well as the entire region into unnecessary hostilities, unjustifiable war footing, and to wage a never ending phantom “War On Terrorism”, while it covertly and overtly supports and arms extremists and moderates on both sides of the isle at the expense of the innocent civilians of Somalia for the purposes of a narrow political objectives and meager financial gains is unacceptable and deplorable. Whether Ethiopia playing these dirty politics in the Horn of Africa region out of sheer ignorance or it is intentional so as to mislead and distract its citizenry from the ever mounting domestic problems, disenfranchisements, and loss of public confidence with the Addis Ababa administration remains to be seen.
And for Ethiopia to, on the other hand, be in cahoots with the same backward forces of irredentism, instability, insecurity, and extremism in the Horn of Africa region such as the TFG, remnants of the deposed fascist and tyrannical military regime of the deposed Dictator Siad Bare, criminal Warlords, the Court of Islamic Council (CIC) formerly known as the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), Al-Itihad Al-Islamia Terrorist group, ONLF terrorists operating in Ethiopia that is also backed by the rival Eritrea, etc., signifies that the Ethiopian foreign policy is an out-dated, misguided, narrow, and counterproductive policy. And the following are some examples of its dark and unhelpful policies:
Ethiopia has one way or the other supported, armed, hosted, and bankrolled some of the most extremist factions and leaders of ICU who were then, under the umbrella of the defunct and so-called Somali Reconciliation and Restoration Council (SRRC) faction such as Warlord Col. Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys who is the former leader of Al-Itihad Al-Islami Terrorist group and current leader of the ICU, Warlord Sheikh Yusuf Mohamed Siyad (Indho Ade) who occupies the Lower Shabelle region, Warlord Col. Bare Adan Shire (Bare Hiraale) who occupies the Lower Juba Region, and others all of whom are against the TFG, which Ethiopia staunchly supports!! Is this not clear evidence that Ethiopia is shooting itself on the foot?
Ethiopia has previously bolstered the late irredentist, over ambitious, and power hungry Warlord Gen. Mohamed Farah Aydid who was the leader of the SRRC faction who was appointed as the president of Somalia at the Sodare Conference in Ethiopia in 1993, propped up Warlord Hussein Mohamed Aydid, the son of the former and member of the defunct SRRC, member the defeated Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counterterrorism (ARPCT), and the current Deputy Prime Minister and the Minister of Interior of TFG. Despite all the pampering and good will showered on this criminal family by Ethiopia, isn’t it now clear that they were all along backing the wrong horses?
Ethiopia has greatly shored-up the old and waning Warlord Col. Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed—an old and lame vulture that can’t fly who is the most hated Warlord in Somalia who was and still is the leader of the defunct tribal SSDF guerillas, a member of the defunct SRRC faction, and the current TFG president, and others. Apparently this Warlord is the founder of the Puntland regional administration, Somalia—the tribal entity that claims parts of Sanaag and Sool regions of the Republic of Somaliland!! Again, is this not clear evidence that Ethiopia is backing the wrong horse and the staunchest enemy of the cause and existence of Somaliland? Is this also not clear evidence that Ethiopia is using double standard policies in regards to the Somaliland-Somalia predicament?
Ethiopia has promoted, armed, and financed most of the notorious Mogadishu Warlords such as Warlord Mohamed Qanyare Afrah, Warlord Col. Mohamed Omar Habeb (Mohamed Dhere), Warlord Muse Suudi Yalahow, Warlord Bashir Raghe, Warlord Abdi Hassan Awale (Abdi Qaybdiid), and others who formed the so-called Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counterterrorism (ARPCT) coalition. Apparently these Warlords who were holed in Mogadishu were the ones who were holding hostage the people and the anarchic state of Somalia and known to be against the existence of the TFG, which Ethiopia help create and arms and supports staunchly. Is this not evidence of a rudderless foreign policy?
Today, the defunct Al-Itihad Al-Islamia Terrorist group, the Warlords under the umbrella of the defunct SSRC faction—an Ethiopia supported coalition of Warlords, Restoration of Alliance for the Peace and Counterterrorism (ARPCT)—a coalition of US-backed Warlords, which Ethiopia also supports and the many other tribal factions have mutated into the following three main factions:
1) The TFG—a coalition of the remnants of the fascist and tyrannical military regime of the deposed Dictator Gen. Siad Bare, TNG, SSDF, SSRC, ARPCT, and others.
2) The CIC—a coalition of former Al-Itihad Al-Islamia Terrorist group and other religious extremists, some members of the former Transitional National Government (TNG)—led by Warlord Abdiqasim Salad Hassan, some members of the SRRC Warlords, and others.
3) The Puntland regional administration—the tribal and hatemonger entity that propels the Daroodism ideology an equivalent of Nazism who endeavours to install a Darood clan rule or dynasty over Somalia, Somaliland, and the Somali State of federal Ethiopia!!
As a result, it is not known who is benefiting from the dubious Ethiopian foreign policy and actions in the Horn of Africa region, and why this country that should have known better continues to, time and again, cry foul of “Terrorism” existing or happening here and there, while it provides political, military, and financial support to most of the criminal Warlords, tribal factions, religious extremists, and their tribal militias in Somalia or what is in it for maintaining such a naked double standard stance towards the intrepid people and democratic Republic of Somaliland by supporting the forces of irredentism who are closely aligned with the ONLF who even claim parts of Ethiopia, let alone Somaliland who continue to perpetuate the long dead illogical dream of “Greater Somalia!!
On the same token, it is not known whether its undesirable conduct as well as its current political, military, economic, and social actions in the horn of Africa region serves its genuine national interests or whether its policies had been purposefully tailored to serve only the narrow, tribal, individual, and regional interests of the former Tigre Peoples Liberation Front (TPLF) or whether it is actually acting as conduit to serve and protect the interests of some foreign powers.
But what is known for sure is that Ethiopia endeavours to become the sole regional power in the Horn of Africa region even though it wants to attain these on the cheap and at the expense of both Somaliland and Somalia and by way of a rudderless foreign policy, that is, out-dated, misguided, narrow, and a counterproductive policy. In fact, most of the arms and ammunitions supplied to the various tribal entities such as Puntland, factions, Warlords and their tribal militias, ARPCT, and the TFG are believed to be in the hands of the CIC!!
Whatever the case, it is about time that Ethiopia reconsiders its counterproductive policies and understands that it can not have both ways unscathed and that the recognition of Somaliland is indeed in its best public and national interest. Let those who understand take heed.
Farah Ali Jama,
Ottawa, Canada.
Second meeting of the International Contact Group on Somalia: Final communiqué
In recognition of the changing political landscape in Somalia, the International Somalia Contact Group discussed concrete options for supporting continued progress in the ongoing political process.
The International Somalia Contact Group expresses grave concern regarding the continuing conflict in Somalia and requests all parties to comply with the cease fire agreed on 22 June in Khartoum and to provide unrestricted and safe access for humanitarian relief agencies to vulnerable communities. The Contact Group calls for immediate intra-Somali dialogue to broaden participation in the Transitional Federal Institutionsand to discuss concrete issues such as the establishment of regional and local administrations and security sector issues.The members of the International Somalia Contact Group are willing to support the development of an effective security sector in Somalia on the basis of a sustainable peace process.
The International Somalia Contact Group was briefed on the African Union/IGAD and partners assessment and reconnaissance mission and supports AU/IGAD initiatives to contribute to peace and stability in Somalia. In this regard, the contact group takes note of the endorsement of the National Security and Stabilisation Plan (NSSP) by the Transitional Federal Parliament. It looks forward to the submission of the detailed mission plan of the proposed IGAD/AU Peace Support Operation (PSO) in accordance with the UNSC Presidential Statement of 13 July 2006. The International Somalia Contact Group urges the UN Security Council to consider with a sense of urgency modifying the arms embargo to allow for training, capacity building, and development of a broad based, representative security sector building on successful dialogue between Somali parties. At the same time, the International Somalia Contact Group emphasizes the continued need for all to comply with the arms embargo.
The Transitional Federal Charter (TFC) and the Transitional Federal Institutions (TFIs) constitute the legitimate framework for continued dialogue and the reestablishment of governance in Somalialeading to a successful transition to an elected, representative government at the end of the transitional period in 2009. The International Somalia Contact Group underlines the need for inclusive dialogue and urges all Somali parties to engage in constructive and broad-based consultations to peacefully resolve their differences, build confidence and address issues of common concern, in particular the establishment of the TFIs in the capital city, Mogadishu.
In this regard, the International Somalia Contact Group urges the TFIs and the Islamic Courts to resume immediately and without any preconditions the talks launched and facilitated by the League of Arab States in Khartoum on 22 June. The Contact Group encourages that this dialogue be broadened to include representation from stakeholders including women's groups, civil society and the business community of Mogadishu. All parties should refrain from inflammatory statements that fuel tension and undermine the search for common ground for a political settlement.
The International Somalia Contact Group reaffirms its continued support to the unity and effective functioning of the TFIs, encourages the convening of a Coordination and Monitoring Committee (CMC) in Nairobi in the coming weeks and is ready to organise a Contact group meeting back-to back with the CMC meeting.
The International Somalia Contact Group urges the TFIs, Islamic Courts and all other parties in Somalia to firmly reject any violent extremist agenda and deny safe haven to terrorists and their supporters in compliance with existing international obligations as laid out in relevant UN resolutions and international conventions.
The International Somalia Contact Group underscores the Somali ownership of the peace process and reaffirms its commitment to support the efforts of regional partners, particularly the African Union, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the League of Arab States, towards restoring peace and stability in Somalia. The International Somalia Contact group stresses the central role of IGAD in general and Kenya, as the present Chair, in facilitating peace in Somalia. The contact group also recognised the important role of the UN to support these regional efforts and reiterated the support for the UN SRSG efforts in the region. The International Somalia Contact Group calls on all regional and international partners to demonstrate unity of purpose and to engage constructively in Somali affairs.
Done at Brussels, 17 July 2006*
*The 17 July meeting convened at the European Commission included the European Union (Presidency and Commission), Italy, Norway, Sweden, Tanzania, the United Kingdom and the United States together with the United Nations, African Union, League of Arab States, and Intergovernmental Authority on Development.
The International Somalia Contact Group expresses grave concern regarding the continuing conflict in Somalia and requests all parties to comply with the cease fire agreed on 22 June in Khartoum and to provide unrestricted and safe access for humanitarian relief agencies to vulnerable communities. The Contact Group calls for immediate intra-Somali dialogue to broaden participation in the Transitional Federal Institutionsand to discuss concrete issues such as the establishment of regional and local administrations and security sector issues.The members of the International Somalia Contact Group are willing to support the development of an effective security sector in Somalia on the basis of a sustainable peace process.
The International Somalia Contact Group was briefed on the African Union/IGAD and partners assessment and reconnaissance mission and supports AU/IGAD initiatives to contribute to peace and stability in Somalia. In this regard, the contact group takes note of the endorsement of the National Security and Stabilisation Plan (NSSP) by the Transitional Federal Parliament. It looks forward to the submission of the detailed mission plan of the proposed IGAD/AU Peace Support Operation (PSO) in accordance with the UNSC Presidential Statement of 13 July 2006. The International Somalia Contact Group urges the UN Security Council to consider with a sense of urgency modifying the arms embargo to allow for training, capacity building, and development of a broad based, representative security sector building on successful dialogue between Somali parties. At the same time, the International Somalia Contact Group emphasizes the continued need for all to comply with the arms embargo.
The Transitional Federal Charter (TFC) and the Transitional Federal Institutions (TFIs) constitute the legitimate framework for continued dialogue and the reestablishment of governance in Somalialeading to a successful transition to an elected, representative government at the end of the transitional period in 2009. The International Somalia Contact Group underlines the need for inclusive dialogue and urges all Somali parties to engage in constructive and broad-based consultations to peacefully resolve their differences, build confidence and address issues of common concern, in particular the establishment of the TFIs in the capital city, Mogadishu.
In this regard, the International Somalia Contact Group urges the TFIs and the Islamic Courts to resume immediately and without any preconditions the talks launched and facilitated by the League of Arab States in Khartoum on 22 June. The Contact Group encourages that this dialogue be broadened to include representation from stakeholders including women's groups, civil society and the business community of Mogadishu. All parties should refrain from inflammatory statements that fuel tension and undermine the search for common ground for a political settlement.
The International Somalia Contact Group reaffirms its continued support to the unity and effective functioning of the TFIs, encourages the convening of a Coordination and Monitoring Committee (CMC) in Nairobi in the coming weeks and is ready to organise a Contact group meeting back-to back with the CMC meeting.
The International Somalia Contact Group urges the TFIs, Islamic Courts and all other parties in Somalia to firmly reject any violent extremist agenda and deny safe haven to terrorists and their supporters in compliance with existing international obligations as laid out in relevant UN resolutions and international conventions.
The International Somalia Contact Group underscores the Somali ownership of the peace process and reaffirms its commitment to support the efforts of regional partners, particularly the African Union, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the League of Arab States, towards restoring peace and stability in Somalia. The International Somalia Contact group stresses the central role of IGAD in general and Kenya, as the present Chair, in facilitating peace in Somalia. The contact group also recognised the important role of the UN to support these regional efforts and reiterated the support for the UN SRSG efforts in the region. The International Somalia Contact Group calls on all regional and international partners to demonstrate unity of purpose and to engage constructively in Somali affairs.
Done at Brussels, 17 July 2006*
*The 17 July meeting convened at the European Commission included the European Union (Presidency and Commission), Italy, Norway, Sweden, Tanzania, the United Kingdom and the United States together with the United Nations, African Union, League of Arab States, and Intergovernmental Authority on Development.
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