Friday, May 19, 2006

Sir Culus oo la helay waa ( khiyaamo Qaran ) Part 2.

Sir Culus oo la helay waa ( khiyaamo Qaran ) Part 2.
YUSUF CABDILAHI JANAALE OSLO NORWAY
Saaxiibaayaal Akhristayaal waa qaybtii Labaad Part.2. ee ugu danbeysey Sirtii Cusleyd ee uu bixiyey Sarkaal Sare oo ka tirsan Sirdoonka Madaxtooyada ee Wadanka aynu xaga bada ka deriska nahay ee Yaman.

Sarkaal sare oo ka tirsan ciidanka sirdoonka ee madaxtooyada Wadanka Yaman oo aan rabin in la magacaabo amaankiisa awgeed ayaa bixiyey Sirculus oo ku lidi ah Jiritaanka iyo Qaranimada Dalka iyo Dadka reer Somaliland. Sarkaalkaasi oo Dahir Riyaale Kaahin ku tilmaamay ( Khaainal Wadan ) ku wacad furay shacabkii aaminay una doortey inuu noqdo madaxweynahooda.
Sirtaasi Culus ee uu bixiyey Sarkaalkaasi oo la soo koobay waa tan hoos ku qoran waa qaybtii labaad uguna danbeysey Part. 2 .

Sarkaalkaasi Sare ee reer Yamani wuxuu sheegey in ugu danbeyntii Madaxweynaha Dalka Yamani uu talooyin kala gooni gooni ah kala siiyey Cade Muuuse iyo Dahir Riyaale, Cade Muuse waxaa socdaalkiisa ku weheliyey Taliyaha Ciidamada Puntland( Colonel Careys) waana kuwan talooyinkii la kala siiyey:-

Talooyinkii la siiyey Dahir Riyaale Kaahin:-
1. In Dahir Riyaale uusan dhisin ama qalabayn Ciidamada Somaliland si ay u fududaato midnimada ummada Somaliyeed.
2. In aysan somaliland ku dagaalamin Gobolada muranku kala dhaxeeyo p/land.
3. In kuwa diidan midnimada Somaliyeed aan loo dhiibin Jagooyinka sare ee ciidamada iyo dawladaba.

Markii uu madaxweyne Cali Cabdalla Saalax uu dhameeyey talooyinkii uu siiyey Dahir Riyaale,ayaa waxaa halkaasi waxooga hadala ka yidhi Daahir Riyaale waana kan hadalkiisii:-
Aniga iyo labadii Madaxweyne ee iga horeeyeyba wax huba ama qalab militery ah oo aanu u soo dejiney ciidamadayada ma jiraan marka laga reebo waxooga rasaasta AK47 ah oo Itoobiya ku caawisay Ciidamada Bileyska Xiligii uu madaxweynaha ahaa Maxamed Ibrahim Cigaal, waxaa keliya ee dalka yaala waa hub gaboobey oo ay ka tagtay Dawladii Somaliya ee Burburtey hubkaasi oo aan la garanayn si uu u shaqeyn doono mustaqbalka.
Talooyinkii La siiyey Cade Muuse:-

1. In uu dhiso Cudud ciidan oo xoog badan Yamanina qalabayso si uu mandaqada Somalidu degto ugu xoogroonaadaan,xiliga midaynta somaliyana loo adeegsado. 2. In hadii Maamulka Daahir Riyaale khatari ku timaado uu cudud militery ku difaaco taageerana Riyaale ilaa inta midaynta somaliyeed ka imanayso, Cali Cabdalla Saalax wuxuu markaasi ka hadlaayey Siyaasada arrimaha Gudaha ee S/Land. 3. In Gobolada Somaliland iyo Puntland isku haystaan aan wax dhibaato ah laga abuurin ilaa inta la gaadhaayo Midnimada Ummada Somaliyeed.

D H A M A A D.

YUSUF CABDILAHI JANAALE OSLO.NORWAY.18.05.06

Astaamaha Calanka Barakaysan ee Jamhuuriyada Somaliland

Astaamaha Calanka Barakaysan ee Jamhuuriyada Somaliland

Calanka Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland, waa calan Muslim oo qurux badan oo barakaysan oo hoodo leh kaasoo ay ku ladhan yihiin astaamo u gaar ah oo caan ah sida qoraalka Carrabiga ah, saddexda midab ee kala duwan, iyo xidigta madow kuwaasoo ka wada turjumaya micno muhiim ah oo cilmiyeysan oo qoto dheer.

Hadaba, hadaan hadalka idiin yara jilciyo, micnaha astaamaha calanka Jamhuuriyada Somaliland, waa sida hoos ku xusan:

· Astaanta Koobaad: waxa weeye, Towxiidkii Eebe oo khadka madow ee quraanka lagu qoro ku qoran kaasoo ka turjumaya inaanu rumeynay in aanuu Illaah kale jirin, aan ka ahayn, Allah (Subxaana Wa Tacaala) iyo Muxammad (Sallallaahu Calayhi Wassalam) oo Rasuulkiisi ah taasoo si cad u muujinaysa inaanu nahay qoom iyo dal Islaameed.

· Astaanta Labaad: waxa weeye, Midabka Dooga ah (akhtar, cagaar) kaasoo ka turjumaya barwaaqo, bash bash iyo baraare, iyo horumar dhinac walba ah sida mida siyaasadeed, dhaqaaleed, iyo bulsheedba ah.

· Astaanta Saddexaad: waxa weeye, Midabka Caddaanka ah kaasoo ka turjumaya Nabad iyo Caano iyo Xidigta Madow ee ku dhex sawiran taasoo ka turjumaysa in Reer Somaliland iyo Qarankoodu iyo Dalkoodu ay yihiin xidigta u soo kacday una horseedka ah dhamaan Africa-da madow iyo qoomamka diirka madow ee caalamka ku fidsan.

· Astaanta Afaraad: waxa weeye, Midabka Casaanka ah kaasoo ka turjumaya a) dhiiga loo soo daadshay difaaca dadnimada, midnimada, dhaqanka, Diinta, iyo madaxbanaanida qoomka iyo dalka Somaliland tan iyo xiligii uu Eebe ku abuuray ciidooda hooyo sida xiliyaddii dowladi Islaameed ee Cusmaaniya ee ay ka midka ahaayeen, xiligii ay hiil iyo hooba sida u caadada ah ay ku garabtaagnaayeen halgankii Imaam Axmed Gurey iyo xogaggii kale ee Islaameed, halgankii xoriyad doonkii Istacmarkii Reer Europe gaar ahaan Ingiriiska, halgankii ay la galeen hororkii madoobaa ee Ina Cabdille Xassan, halgankii 30-ka sannadood ahaa ee ay kula jireen daaquudyadii kale ee madoobaa ee xiligii midnimo ku-sheegii ka dib gaar ahaan halgankii dheeraa ee qadhaadhaa ee ay kula jireen rijiimkii fashiistaha ahaa ee militeriga ahaa ee uu hogaaminayey Horor Siyaad Bare iyo xulufadiisii kuwaasoo isku dayey inay qoomkan gobtah ah gumaadaan, hase yeeshee, xaqa iyo jihaad xalaal ah lagala horyimi sidaasna lagaga guuleystay xoogaggii cadowga ee isgaashaanbuureystay taasoo u horseeday burbur baaxad weyn oo dhinac walba saameyeey inay in mudo ahba la kaala kacaa kufayeen; iyo b) dhiiga hada iyo mustaqbalkaba dambeba loola diyaar yahay in si xaq ah loogu huro difaaca ummadda, qadyadda, xoriyadda, qarannimada, iyo jiritaanka Somaliland.

Ugu dambeyn, waxaan leeyahay waa kuwaas astaamahii ku ladhnaa calanka barakaysan ee Jamhuuriyada Somaliland ee KA NAXOW, NAFTAA WAA.

Guul iyo Gobanimo,

Farah Ali Jama,

Ottawa, Canada.

The 54th state?

Jean-Jacques Cornish

Somaliland’s president Dahir Riyale Kahin was on a working visit to Ethiopia this week when he celebrated the 15th anniversary of his country’s unilateral declaration of independence, four months after the fall of the dictator Siad Barre in January 1991.

He is in Ethiopia to discuss growing economic and political ties with the regional leader that override the fact that his country remains unrecognised internationally.

But Somaliland’s isolation appears to be crumbling. The African Union is preparing to name a special envoy to consult and prepare a report on how best to engage the breakaway state -- perhaps by the end of this year.

Somaliland has always claimed a legal case for going it alone; it is not secessionist, merely an independent country that has broken a union with another of similar status. And there is plenty of precedent for that in Africa. It is Somaliland’s relative success that is winning its quest for recognition.

This is greatly assisted by its southern neighbour, Somalia, presenting itself over the past 15 years as a textbook case for a failed state. The best military and mediation efforts of the region and the international community have produced a transitional federal government for Somalia that has been unable even to control the capital, Mogadishu.

This month alone, fighting between the Supreme Council of Islamic Courts of Somalia and the United States-backed Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter Terrorism resulted in at least 150 deaths, mostly innocent civilians.

The Islamic courts were started by the traditional clan leaders to offer a semblance of order in a country that has not had a government for 15 years.

But the strict implementation of sharia law and the customary Somalia law, known as Xeer, is too much for the warlords who have held sway in Mogadishu.

The US backed the formation of the alliance in February, hoping to get at those with links to al-Qaeda hiding within the ranks of the Islamic courts. But this has further alienated the Somali population, who believe Washington should be showing more interest in strengthening the political development of the country than in bankrolling warlords.

By contrast, Somaliland has risen from the rubble into which Barre’s forces bombed it to create a country whose democracy is internationally acknowledged, even if its political status remains in dispute.

There appear to be three major reasons for this contrast between success in the north of the Horn of Africa and failure in the south.

The Somaliland National Movement (SNM) was formed with the express purpose of overthrowing Barre. So when he fell in January 1991, it was perfectly poised to fill the power vacuum. By contrast the movements in the south were young and disparate.

“The Egyptian government called a conference in Cairo in May 1991 to get a consensus among the various Somali groups,” recalls Unisa-based, Horn of Africa political analyst Iqbal Jhazbhay. “The SNM felt slighted because it was not consulted in this process. The SNM leadership was meeting in Burao at the time. They were besieged by Somali-landers who felt that, once again, they were being marginalised, as Siad Barre had done. They demanded that Somali-land break its union with Somalia and declare independence.”

Secondly, the SNM has a democratic tradition and a history of civilian leadership while drawing on the elders as a steadying influence.

Mohamed Egal, the man who laid out the institutions of the Somaliland state, replaced President Abdurrahman Tuur in 1993. Kahin replaced Egal within hours of his death at 1 Military Hospital in Pretoria in 2002 with barely a ripple. Thirdly, Somalilanders have participated in a constitutional referendum, presidential, parliamentary and local elections -- all under independent, international observation. Some of this can be ascribed to international insistence that the territory prove itself worthy of recognition.

The south, on the other hand, feels no such pressure. Regional partners on the continent and interested international powers have shown themselves to accept anything that vaguely resembles a government in Mogadishu.