By Gérard Prunier
Le Monde diplomatique
Somalia suddenly hit the headlines this spring when its capital, Mogadishu, was captured by the forces of the Union of Islamic Courts (UIC). After 1995 the world had mostly forgotten the country because of the failure of the United Nations' humanitarian and military efforts there in 1992-95.
Somalia has in principle had a government since October 2004: the transitional federal government (TFG). It was internationally recognised, but could not sit in Mogadishu, which was still in the hands of the warlords, so it was based initially at Nairobi in Kenya and later returned to Baidoa in Somalia.
The TFG, established with difficulty after years of negotiations, was intended to fill the political gap created when civil war broke out after the fall of the dictator, Siad Barre, in 1991. Although the TFG is recognised abroad, it has never had any authority at home and is riven by personal differences between the president, Colonel Abdullahi Yussuf Ahmed, the prime minister, Ali Mohamed Gedi, and the speaker of the Somali parliament, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Adan.
The transitional government has no armed forces at its disposal, apart from the Majertine tribal militia based in Puntland. After the state collapsed in 1991, the warlords, who are leaders of armed tribal bands, took over and ruled the country until this June. That a number of them were appointed to ministerial posts in the new government did not change the situation.
With the help of mooryan (street children), many of them on drugs, they reduced Mogadishu and whole tracts of the country to terror-stricken anarchy. Their troops, on little or no pay, financed themselves through crime: theft, kidnapping, rape, armed robbery and murder. The warlords did very well out of drugs (especially the powerful euphoric qat), piracy, cattle rustling and the mobile phone business.
In these conditions of anarchy, a number of political groups with Islamic links established the first Islamic courts in 1996. They combined in 2002 to form the UIC, chaired by Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed. Analysis of the tribal structure, an essential feature in Somalia, shows that members of the Hawiye and Habr Gidir tribes dominate most of the courts. This will probably create problems for the Islamic movement in the future because the Hawiye, although numerous, are divided and confined to central Somalia. Prime minister Gedi is a member of this tribe.
Until a couple of months ago the UIC was a politically disparate body in which moderate Muslims rubbed shoulders with both radical supporters of al-Qaida and ordinary businessmen worrying about their contracts.
Then, a major policy blunder by the United States opened the way for the UIC to seize power. The CIA saw Somalia as a potential Afghanistan. It had picked up a number of al-Qaida agents, including the Comorian, Fazul Abdallah Mohamed (who was the brains behind the 1998 attacks on the U.S. embassies in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam), Yemen-born Kenyan Saleh Ali Saleh Nabhan and Sudanese Abu Talha al-Sudani, who were the joint organisers of the 2002 attacks on a Malindi hotel and on an Israeli charter aircraft off the coast of Kenya.
Early this year a U.S. official announced that Washington was prepared to work with anyone who was willing to cooperate with it against al-Qaida. For the warlords, hungry for funds and keen to weaken the growing authority of the TFG and the UIC, this was a golden opportunity: They would do anything to prevent the restoration of order, whether Islamic or secular, which would end their extortion activities.
In February, with the help of secret CIA funds, they established the Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter-terrorism (ARPCT). In theory, the ARPCT was supposed to pursue al-Qaida terrorists. In reality, it had its sights on the UIC. The militant Islamists were under no illusions and struck first, on 20 February. This was the start of a period of bloody strife in Mogadishu that lasted for three and a half months until the ARPCT warlords were finally defeated on 16 June.
There were warnings voiced within the United States about this strategy. David Shinn, who is a former U.S. ambassador to Ethiopia and expert on the region, called for a broad approach, not focused exclusively on counter-terrorism, and Michael Zorick, a senior diplomat attached to the U.S. embassy in Kenya, protested in vain against payments to the warlords, which he judged counter-productive.
On 13 June, in a desperate attempt to put things right, Washington set up an ad hoc emergency body, the Somali Contact Group. Members of the group included, besides the United States, the Arab League, the African Union, the United Nations, the Intergovernmental Authority for Development (IGAD), Norway, the European Union and -- independently -- Britain, Sweden, Italy and, oddly enough, Tanzania.
But the contact group came too late, it was ill informed and it had no real decision-making powers. It looked more like an apology for previous absence than any practical instrument of policy.
The situation was further complicated by the fact that the Somali conflict had taken on an international dimension: two neighbouring states, Ethiopia and Eritrea, had become involved. They were already locked in their own long-standing struggle. The war of 1998-2000 had ended in an uncertain ceasefire, Addis Ababa and Asmara found it impossible to resume normal relations, and the conflict was still pursued in complex ways.
Asmara, aware that Ethiopia supported Abdullahi, did its best to obstruct the TFG's activities: Eritrea supplied the UIC with weapons at least five times, not out of ideological sympathy (since the Asmara government has been resolutely secular) but on the principle that my enemy's enemy is my friend. Addis Ababa supported its champion, Abdullahi, from the outset.
Both naturally deny they are involved in the conflict in any way. Any such involvement is in breach of international law, since UN Security Council resolution 733 of 23 January 1992 imposed an embargo on deliveries of arms to Somalia, described as a "stateless country." The crisis spread beyond Africa: Saudi Arabia sent weapons to some warlords and the UIC, while Yemen and Egypt supplied the TFG with weaponry.
In an effort to keep going and assert its authority, the TFG played the international card for all it was worth. President Abdullahi had most to fear from his own "armed ministers" and he repeatedly called for armed intervention by IGAD or the African Union, to restore peace and uphold the rule of law.
He was right in principle, but in practice no one had the resources or the political will to tackle the situation in Somalia. Except for Ethiopia, which was keen to forestall moves by Eritrea and stifle any subversive intentions the UIC might harbour.
The slightest mention of troops from Somalia's traditional enemy, Ethiopia, was enough to spark violent political battles in the TFG. Also the African Union could not really call on Addis Ababa to help provide an intervention force, since Ethiopia was both judge and party in the dispute. It feared that any Somali government other than the government of its ally, Abdullahi, might renew Somalia's irredentist claims to the Ethiopian province of Ogaden, with its 4 million Somali inhabitants, which had already been the subject of a war between the two countries in 1977-78.
Faced with the UIC, the warlords collapsed within a few days in June. They were fiercely hated for their extortion and there was a sense of relief in the capital, although ordinary people wondered what to expect from their unusual liberators, the UIC militants.
The international community, anxious to preserve the marginal prospect of a return to normality offered by the TFG, immediately called for bilateral talks between the UIC and the TFG. This afforded another opportunity for internal conflict in the TFG, with Abdullahi seeking to avoid any accommodation with his enemies, and the speaker of the parliament, Sheikh Adan, insisting on a dialogue. The agreement finally signed at Khartoum in Sudan on 22 June was immediately broken by both parties.
The international press had erroneously reported that Taliban infiltration was rife in Somalia. These fears were based on such token gestures by the Islamic movement as a prohibition on watching any of the World Cup matches or an official order to cut the hair of any young people who wore punk, afro or rasta hair-dos.
The UIC was transformed into a Supreme Council of Islamic Courts and its moderate chairman, Sheikh Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, was replaced by an old militant fundamentalist, Hassan Dahir Aweys.
The two camps are still in conflict and it seems unlikely that they will agree to share power. But the Islamic movement, in the full flood of its success, has not yet faced up to the worst problem that bedevils Somali society: the tribal system, which had undermined Siad Barre's "socialism" and represents the major difference between Somalia and Afghanistan under the Taliban.
In Afghanistan, the Taliban enjoyed the strong support of its neighbour Pakistan and the Pashtun ethnic majority within the country.
The UIC has no real friends outside the country, since Eritrea's support is opportunist, and the Hawiye are not Somalia's Pashtun. They represent barely 20% of the population and are subdivided into a number of tribes and sub-tribes.
And the UIC, unlike the Taliban, is subject to many tribal and ideological influences; there is no real indication that it is completely controlled by extremists close to al-Qaida.
So a subtle diplomatic approach is likely to have more success in preventing the crisis from escalating than are the projects for armed intervention currently under discussion in the IGAD and elsewhere. [Translated by Barbara Wilson]
Gérard Prunier is a researcher at the CNRS in Paris and director of the French Centre for Ethiopian Studies in Addis Ababa.
Friday, September 29, 2006
Security Threat to Somaliland from Islamic Courts
The Somaliland people have always been vigilant and extremely sensitive to threats that might endanger the sovereignty of Somaliland ever since Somaliland has withdrawn from the illegal Union with Somalia; that was until the Islamic Courts captured Mogadisho, Kismayo and Southern Somalia. Judging by the news reports from Somaliland in the daily papers, web sites, radio stations, television, government news briefs, parliamentary news briefs, Guurti news briefs, letters to editors from people, morning café chats in big cities and small towns; one can not see a credible concern from Somaliland people about security threat to Somaliland sovereignty from Islamic Courts in Mogadisho – and it is both surprising and disturbing at the same time.
When the civil war broke out in Somaliland in the early 90’s the people quickly realized its potential danger to Somaliland sovereignty and that was one of the main factors that convinced everyone to come to the negotiation table to end fighting despite the great loss of property and human lives suffered by all parties. In the last 15 years of institutional building in Somaliland; at every stage of those years the people recognized the fragile nature of the Somaliland sovereignty and have always circled the wagon to protect Somaliland achievement; though there were many challenges that have not allowed a reasonable process to build institutional capacity. I need not repeat under what circumstances it took place to select the former president Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal, the 2001 Referendum for Somaliland Constitution, 2002 the local government elections, the 2003 presidential election, and the latest 2005 parliament elections. Also, the people have always been united and recognized any external threats from Somalia, including the potential dangers from the Somalia Peace Reconciliations talks where the International community pressured Somaliland to participate in the peace reconciliation talks.
This time it is obvious and factual that Islamic Courts are easily capturing cities and regions without much resistance from warlords in Somalia or from TFG, for the most part the Islamic Courts are successful in building internal support structure that makes it possible for them to claim victory without much resistance. It is a fact that Islamic Courts have recently captured Mogadisho, Jawhar, Kismayo and much of the South, except the city of Baydhabo - the seat of Abdillahi Yusuf’s TFG administration, which enjoys the protection of the Ethiopian soldiers who crossed into Somalia. It is also true that recently the Islamic Courts declared a new Court in Las Anod and clashed with the Puntland militia who control the town. During the 2006 Somaliland Conference in Washington DC, the Islamic Courts have called SOPRI and left voice message that threatened with consequences unless SOPRI stops activities that damage the unity of Somalia; this shows the extend of their determination to oppose the sovereignty of Somaliland. There is no big secret in the success the Islamic Courts have enjoyed thus far; they have exploited the internal support they have received from the religious community whom they have built very close relationship in the last few years.
It is open-secret in Somaliland that Mr. Sheikh Ali Warsame who is one of the most influential religious leaders in Burao was the founder of Al-Itihaad Islamia Organization who fought Ethiopian forces in Southern Somalia in the 90’s; the current leadership of the Islamic Courts in Mogadisho also consist of entirely the same leadership of Al-Itihaad Organization. The members of the Islamic Courts leaders openly come to Burao to meet with Sheikh Ali Warsame. According to Haatuf newspaper; “Mr. Aways of the Islamic Courts met with Sheikh Ali Warsame several hours during the 2006 Haj Pilgrimage in Saudi Arabia early this year. And Mr. Adan Jihaad who is also a member of the executive leaders of the Islamic Courts is also in Burao”. These individuals are the top leadership of the Islamic Courts in Mogadisho and they are coming to Somaliland at will and obviously laying the groundwork for building internal support system that will allow them to duplicate previous operations as they have done in Mogadisho, Jawhar, Kismayo, etc. By far the Islamic Courts has been more hostile to Somaliland than Abdiqasim’s administration and the current Abdillahi Yusuf’s TFG administration.
The disturbing news is that the entire Somaliland political and civil society is silent on this threat and I cannot explain it other than to say the people are afraid to be labeled as enemy of the Islam. The Somaliland executive branch, the parliament, the Guurti, the political parties, and the leaders of the civil society have all been silent on the potential threat from the Islamic Courts in Mogadisho, with the exception of few articles on the papers and on web sites. In fact, in certain cases; Somaliland leaders have made statements that showed their disapproval of the Ethiopian soldiers crossing into Somalia, incidentally Islamic Courts have taken the same position about Ethiopian troops; who represent the only credible force that can prevent their domination of Somalia, Puntland, and Somaliland. The silence has been interpreted by the international community as concealed internal support for Islamic Courts from the people of Somaliland and the first significant sign of flexibility shown by Somaliland about the unity with Somalia.
I believe the Somaliland people will never compromise their sovereignty with anyone let alone with religious tugs who use religion to grab power. I also believe the people will protect their sovereignty and young democratic values and will not fall for religious slogans. However, the saying “Prevention is better than cure” comes to mind and I’m seriously concerned about the lack of security concerns by all the Somaliland leadership in the Executive branch, Parliament, Guurti, the political parties and Diaspora; and lack of appreciation for the security threat posed by the Islamic Courts. If we do not recognize the presence of the security threat in Burao from Islamic Courts; including the continues traffic of senior leaders of the Islamic Courts to Burao and the strengthening support of the religious community in Burao at the expense of the elected local government; it will be far more expensive and difficult to recapture Burao from Islamic Courts and that will damage the sovereignty of Somaliland. I have focused my thoughts on Burao because the threat is glaring in Burao, but this does not mean other cities and towns in Somaliland do not have some measure of the security problems that exist in Burao.
Rashid Nur
Rashidnur@cox.net
Virginia, USA
When the civil war broke out in Somaliland in the early 90’s the people quickly realized its potential danger to Somaliland sovereignty and that was one of the main factors that convinced everyone to come to the negotiation table to end fighting despite the great loss of property and human lives suffered by all parties. In the last 15 years of institutional building in Somaliland; at every stage of those years the people recognized the fragile nature of the Somaliland sovereignty and have always circled the wagon to protect Somaliland achievement; though there were many challenges that have not allowed a reasonable process to build institutional capacity. I need not repeat under what circumstances it took place to select the former president Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal, the 2001 Referendum for Somaliland Constitution, 2002 the local government elections, the 2003 presidential election, and the latest 2005 parliament elections. Also, the people have always been united and recognized any external threats from Somalia, including the potential dangers from the Somalia Peace Reconciliations talks where the International community pressured Somaliland to participate in the peace reconciliation talks.
This time it is obvious and factual that Islamic Courts are easily capturing cities and regions without much resistance from warlords in Somalia or from TFG, for the most part the Islamic Courts are successful in building internal support structure that makes it possible for them to claim victory without much resistance. It is a fact that Islamic Courts have recently captured Mogadisho, Jawhar, Kismayo and much of the South, except the city of Baydhabo - the seat of Abdillahi Yusuf’s TFG administration, which enjoys the protection of the Ethiopian soldiers who crossed into Somalia. It is also true that recently the Islamic Courts declared a new Court in Las Anod and clashed with the Puntland militia who control the town. During the 2006 Somaliland Conference in Washington DC, the Islamic Courts have called SOPRI and left voice message that threatened with consequences unless SOPRI stops activities that damage the unity of Somalia; this shows the extend of their determination to oppose the sovereignty of Somaliland. There is no big secret in the success the Islamic Courts have enjoyed thus far; they have exploited the internal support they have received from the religious community whom they have built very close relationship in the last few years.
It is open-secret in Somaliland that Mr. Sheikh Ali Warsame who is one of the most influential religious leaders in Burao was the founder of Al-Itihaad Islamia Organization who fought Ethiopian forces in Southern Somalia in the 90’s; the current leadership of the Islamic Courts in Mogadisho also consist of entirely the same leadership of Al-Itihaad Organization. The members of the Islamic Courts leaders openly come to Burao to meet with Sheikh Ali Warsame. According to Haatuf newspaper; “Mr. Aways of the Islamic Courts met with Sheikh Ali Warsame several hours during the 2006 Haj Pilgrimage in Saudi Arabia early this year. And Mr. Adan Jihaad who is also a member of the executive leaders of the Islamic Courts is also in Burao”. These individuals are the top leadership of the Islamic Courts in Mogadisho and they are coming to Somaliland at will and obviously laying the groundwork for building internal support system that will allow them to duplicate previous operations as they have done in Mogadisho, Jawhar, Kismayo, etc. By far the Islamic Courts has been more hostile to Somaliland than Abdiqasim’s administration and the current Abdillahi Yusuf’s TFG administration.
The disturbing news is that the entire Somaliland political and civil society is silent on this threat and I cannot explain it other than to say the people are afraid to be labeled as enemy of the Islam. The Somaliland executive branch, the parliament, the Guurti, the political parties, and the leaders of the civil society have all been silent on the potential threat from the Islamic Courts in Mogadisho, with the exception of few articles on the papers and on web sites. In fact, in certain cases; Somaliland leaders have made statements that showed their disapproval of the Ethiopian soldiers crossing into Somalia, incidentally Islamic Courts have taken the same position about Ethiopian troops; who represent the only credible force that can prevent their domination of Somalia, Puntland, and Somaliland. The silence has been interpreted by the international community as concealed internal support for Islamic Courts from the people of Somaliland and the first significant sign of flexibility shown by Somaliland about the unity with Somalia.
I believe the Somaliland people will never compromise their sovereignty with anyone let alone with religious tugs who use religion to grab power. I also believe the people will protect their sovereignty and young democratic values and will not fall for religious slogans. However, the saying “Prevention is better than cure” comes to mind and I’m seriously concerned about the lack of security concerns by all the Somaliland leadership in the Executive branch, Parliament, Guurti, the political parties and Diaspora; and lack of appreciation for the security threat posed by the Islamic Courts. If we do not recognize the presence of the security threat in Burao from Islamic Courts; including the continues traffic of senior leaders of the Islamic Courts to Burao and the strengthening support of the religious community in Burao at the expense of the elected local government; it will be far more expensive and difficult to recapture Burao from Islamic Courts and that will damage the sovereignty of Somaliland. I have focused my thoughts on Burao because the threat is glaring in Burao, but this does not mean other cities and towns in Somaliland do not have some measure of the security problems that exist in Burao.
Rashid Nur
Rashidnur@cox.net
Virginia, USA
Somaliland Warns Mogadishu Islamists
Awdalnews Staff reporter=
Somaliland warned the Islamists of Mogadishu against provocation and incitement aimed at destabilizing its country.
In a strongly worded statement to the Somaliland press, Yusuf Ise Duale Tallaabo, Deputy Minister of Justice, said: “ I tell the Union of Islamic Courts who dream of capturing Buroa and Hargeisa that Somaliland is an independent republic that has restored its sovereignty in 1991. We have a government, national flag, internationally recognized borders and a constitution accepted by 97% of the people in a referendum. I tell them that Somaliland is not Kismayo or Mogadishu.”
Warning the local people against being deceived by what is happening in Mogadishu, Tallaabo said: “ Where do you think you are going? The sharia is not only in Mogadishu. We have the Koran and we know the direction of the Qibla (the Ka’ba in Mecca). Why are you looking at Mogadishu as if a new prophet has appeared in it.?”
He expressed his astonishment at the UIC claiming of following the Islamic Sharia and at the same time using force to capture territories.
“Does Sharia means hijacking people’s will? A man who claims to be ruling on Sharia should follow peaceful ways,” he said.
Meanwile, Somaliland press reported that Sheikh Ali Warsame, the founder of the Somali Al Ittihad Al Islami and the spiritual guru of Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, left his base in Buroa and departed for Mogadishu, leading a delegation of several other clerics. It added that Warsame and Aweys had met in Saudi Arabia during the Haj festival earlier this year. Also Adan Jihad, a Somaliland native who is a member of the UIC, was reported to have recently arrived in Buroa. Jihad was a member of the UIC delegation that visited Libya and Djibouti.
In a related development, the autonomous region of Puntland banned people coming from the south entering its territory. It has already deported a number of businessmen and other individuals back to Mogadishu.
Somaliland press also reported that Puntland authorities have ordered their forces stationed in the disputed Sool region with Somaliland to be ready for redeployment to Baidoa where they will take part in the defense of the TFG against any possible attack by the UIC.
The latest developments indicate how much Somaliland and Puntland authorities have been alarmed by the fast collapse of the Juba Valley Alliance and the easy fall of Kismayo in the hands of the UIC.
Source: Awdalnews Network
Somaliland warned the Islamists of Mogadishu against provocation and incitement aimed at destabilizing its country.
In a strongly worded statement to the Somaliland press, Yusuf Ise Duale Tallaabo, Deputy Minister of Justice, said: “ I tell the Union of Islamic Courts who dream of capturing Buroa and Hargeisa that Somaliland is an independent republic that has restored its sovereignty in 1991. We have a government, national flag, internationally recognized borders and a constitution accepted by 97% of the people in a referendum. I tell them that Somaliland is not Kismayo or Mogadishu.”
Warning the local people against being deceived by what is happening in Mogadishu, Tallaabo said: “ Where do you think you are going? The sharia is not only in Mogadishu. We have the Koran and we know the direction of the Qibla (the Ka’ba in Mecca). Why are you looking at Mogadishu as if a new prophet has appeared in it.?”
He expressed his astonishment at the UIC claiming of following the Islamic Sharia and at the same time using force to capture territories.
“Does Sharia means hijacking people’s will? A man who claims to be ruling on Sharia should follow peaceful ways,” he said.
Meanwile, Somaliland press reported that Sheikh Ali Warsame, the founder of the Somali Al Ittihad Al Islami and the spiritual guru of Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, left his base in Buroa and departed for Mogadishu, leading a delegation of several other clerics. It added that Warsame and Aweys had met in Saudi Arabia during the Haj festival earlier this year. Also Adan Jihad, a Somaliland native who is a member of the UIC, was reported to have recently arrived in Buroa. Jihad was a member of the UIC delegation that visited Libya and Djibouti.
In a related development, the autonomous region of Puntland banned people coming from the south entering its territory. It has already deported a number of businessmen and other individuals back to Mogadishu.
Somaliland press also reported that Puntland authorities have ordered their forces stationed in the disputed Sool region with Somaliland to be ready for redeployment to Baidoa where they will take part in the defense of the TFG against any possible attack by the UIC.
The latest developments indicate how much Somaliland and Puntland authorities have been alarmed by the fast collapse of the Juba Valley Alliance and the easy fall of Kismayo in the hands of the UIC.
Source: Awdalnews Network
Waxa iimuqata in maanta Dalka hadaan Laga tuuraayo Hadii aan laga Badbaadin..C/laahi Jawaan
(Waridaad)- Guddoomiye ku xigeenka Koomishanka Doorashooyinka Qaranka Md. Cabdillaahi Cabdi Xaaji Cumar (Jawaan) ayaa ku dhawaaqay inuu iska casilay xilkii iyo xubinimadii Koomishanka Doorashooyinka Somaliland. Md. Cabdillaahi Jawaan, waxa uu sidaas ku caddeeyay qoraal uu u gudbiyay Madaxweynaha Somaliland Md. Daahir Rayaale Kaahin.Qoraalka Md. Jawaan uu isku casilay, oo aanu si rasmi ah Saxaafadda ugu qaybin, waxa uu kaga waramay sababaha ku keliftay inuu is casilo, isaga oo islamarkaana si dadbadan eedaymo ugu soo jeediyay Madaxweyne Daahir Rayaale Kaahin.
Cabdillaahi Jawaan oo ka mid ah xubnaha Koomishanka ee uu soo magacaabay Madaxweynihii hore ee Somaliland Marxuum Maxamed Ibrahim Cigaal, waxa qoraalkiisa oo nuqul ka mid ah uu helay Wargeyska Geeska Afrika uu u dhignaa sedan:
“Aniga oo ah Cabdilaahi Cabdi Xaaji Cumar (Jawaan) oo ah ku simaha guddoomiyaha Koomishanka Doorashooyinka Qaranka Somaliland ayaan si qadarin leh kuula socodsiinayaa in aan go’aansaday inaan iska casilo xilkii Koomishanka Doorashooyinka Qaranka ee aan u hayay umadda Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland laga soo bilaabo 18/12/2001, wakhtigaas oo la ii doortay guddoomiyihii ugu horeeyay ee Koomishanka Doorashooyinka Qarnaka, iyada oo la igaga wareejiyay ujeedooyin iyo qaab aanan doonayn inaan halkan hadda kaga hadlo. Laakiin aan hore u go’aansaday inaan ku shaqeeyo guddoomiye ku xigeenka Koomishanka Doorashooyinka Qaranka oo aaan ku soo qabtay saddexdii doorasho ee ka dhacay Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland oo aynu ku gaadhnay guullo Alle loogu mahadiyo, caalamkana aynu kaga kasbanay magac-sami loogu noolaado oo aynu hananay qaybo waaweyn oo ka mid ah hadafkii himilada aynu hiigsanaynay ee aynu yoolkeena ku doonaynay inaynu ku dhisno Qaran ay saldhig u tahay A) Cadaalad iyo nabad, B), Xoriyatal Qawl iyo Qoraalba, C)Dawlad wanaag ku dhisan kuna dhalata tartan xalaal ah oo ay gallaan xisbiyo badani, D) dhisid hanaan umadeed oo si qotor dheer ugu xididaysta habka xisbiyo badan iyaga oo waafaqsan dhaqanka Diinta Islaamka iyo Anshaxa suuban ee Soomaaliyeed.
Haddaba Mudane Madaxweyne, aniga oo Koomishanka doorashooyinka Qaranka ka soo shaqeeyay muddo ah afar sanno iyo siddeed bilood una soo dhabar adaygay nooc kasta oo cadaadis, cay, cago juglayn iyo hanjabaad guulaha aan kor ku soo sheegnay aanu ku gaadhnay dulqaad ay maanta ii muuqatay:
A) Hay’adihii sharci dejinta Qaranka oo madaxa la isu geliyay (Baarlamaan),
B) Wada shaqayntii saddexda Waaxood oo ah fulinta, sharci dejinta iyo garoorka oo lagu bedelay xintan iyo is canaad,
C)Abuurid kooxo (gangs) ka dhex dhashay goleyaasha Qaranka, kuwaas oo ku salaysan gobolaysi, UDUB-aysi, KULMIYE-aysi, UCID-aysi iyo mararka qaarkood qabiilaysi. Arrimahaas oo dhaawac wayn gaadhsiiyay sumcadii iyo magac samidii jamhuuriyadda Somaliland. Haddii aan deg deg wax looga qabana keenaysa Qaran wiiqan iyo khalkhal siyaasadeed (Political Crisis).
Haddaba Mudane Madaxweyne, iyada oo uu dalkani soo maray dhibaatoyin waaweyn oo ku yimaada umadda taasi oo ay u gaysteen dadkii hoggaanka u hayay dawladda Soomaaliyeed ee uu hoggaaminayay Alle ha u naxariiste Janaral Maxamed Siyaad Barre oo lagu riday halgan hubaysan oo ay hoggaaminaysay Jabhadii SNM January 1991. Isla markiiba SNM, waxaanu go’aansay in dadka loo xalaaleeyo waxa ay doonayaan oo ah dib u soo celin madaxbanaanida goboladii Waqooyi ee lagu dhawaaqay Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland 17/05/1991, SNM-na ay goosatay inay tallada ku wareejiso dadweynaha Jamhuuriyada Somaliland labada sanno ee ugu horeeya ka dib (1991-1993), wakhtigaas oo uu Maxamed Xaaji Ibrahim Cigaal tallada qabtay Alle ha u naxariiste isaga oo aasaaska u sameeyay hanaanka dawladeed ee maanta ka jira Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland laakiin ay iigu muuqato in maanta laga tuurayo haadaan haddii aan laga badbaadin.
Haddaba Mudane Madaxweyne, waxaan kuu soo gudbinayaa is casilaadii uu xilka iigu magacaabay Alle ha u naxariiste Maxamed Xaaji Ibrahim Cigaal, aniga oo jecel inaan noqdo siyaasi u hadli kara danaha umadiisa iyo tan wadanka Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland, aniga oo aan ahayn garoosre (Commisioner). Sidaas darteed waxaan kaa codsanayaa inaad iga aqbasho shaqo ka tegistan.
Source Geeska Afrika
Subscribe to:
Comments (Atom)