The Voice Of Somaliland: Shir-Gudoonkii 29ka bishii November dhacay ma sharci buu ahaa mise qayrul sharci?

Sunday, December 04, 2005

Shir-Gudoonkii 29ka bishii November dhacay ma sharci buu ahaa mise qayrul sharci?

Shir-Gudoonkii 29ka bishii November dhacay ma sharci buu ahaa mise qayrul sharci?

Sida uu qeexayo dastuurka Somaliland, qodobkiisa 44aad faraqyadiisa kala ah; 2,3, iyo 4aad-ba waxay bayaaminayaan in sifaha ay ku doorteeyeen xildhibaanadii ku guulaystay aqalabiyada, Golaha Wakiiladdu inuu ahaa mid xalaal ah uuna baneeyey dastuurka Somaliland.

Haddaba, ka dib markii ay qabsoontay doorashadii Madexweynaha lagu dooranayey, ee ay u loolamayeen saddexdii Xisbi ee ku guulaysatay inay noqdaan saddexda Xisbi ee sida sharciga ah uga diiwaan gashan Somaliland, isla markaana uu u baneeyey sharciga waddankuna inay ka qayb qaataan loolanka siyaasadeed marba heerka uu joogo.

Waxaynu ogayn mashaqooyinkii iyo misiibooyinkii ka dhacay iyo sidii loogu tafrigalay Codadkii ay ummadu kala siisay xisbiyada ay kala raaceen. Waxaa ah mid lama ilaawaana sidii ay xukuumadda talada haysaa u adeegsadeen hantidii waddanka iyo hayadahiisa kala duwan. Waxaa ah mid aan laga tagi karayn sidii ay u fara-galiyeen komishinkii dalka, isla markaasna ay u isticmaaleen Maddax dhaqameeddii waddanka.

Dastuurka Somaliland wuxuu qorayayey in aanay Xukuumaddu u adeegsan hayaddaha waddanka si ka baxsan sharciga waddanka u yaala, qayb waddaagna la yeelato xisbiyadda qaranka ee ku guulaystay loolankii kala saarista xisbiyadda.

Boobkii ka dhacay doorashaddii Madaxweynaha waynu wadda ogayn. Siddii ay ka yeeshay Maxkammadda Waddanka, iyo Golaha Guurtiduba waynu ka wadda dhergsanahay, maantana arinkii iyaga ayuu hor yaalaa, halkay hore wax u mariyeena waynu ogsoonahay.

Haddaba, maantana oo tii hore sii qoyantahay, cidda faraha ku haysaana tahay isla qolooyinkii horeba xaqdarada iyo ducu qaadashada ku caanka ahayd, ayaa faraha arinkan aloosmayna ku haya, siddee markaa lagu aamini karaa? Miyaa la odhan karaa tan ayey daacad ka noqonayaan? Iyadana taariikhada ayaa sheegi, oo meel bay ku qornaan, haddii ay mar labaadna iska idho tiraan distuurku sidda uu qorayo.

Haddii ay hayaddaha waddanka ka jiraa moodeen in xalaal tahay la shaqeenta Xisbi xaakimka waddanka taladiisa gacanta ku haya, dastuurkana lagu tunto, siddee lagu aaminayaa inay noqdaan qaar ka daacad ah inay dhexdhexaad ka noqdaan arimahan aloosan iyo arimaha kale ee la soo darsa?

Xisbiyadda mucaaradka ahi waxa uu dastuurku siiyey, marka ay hantaan, helaana inay noqdaan Xisbi waddani ah inay yeeshaan guno joogta ah oo uu dastuurku siinayo, tiina ilaa iminka ayey sugayaan, Xisbiyadda mucaaridkuna ummaddoodii dooratay umay cadeyn sababtay ku dhacday arinkaasi. Danbigiisana iyagaa leh, in la deedaafsiiyo wax kastoo ay xaq u leeyihiina iyagaa isagu wacan, dadkii soo doortayna gacanta iyo dhabanka ay wali isku hayaan, iminkana tan cakirani waxay ku sii noqtay dhabano hays.

Xisbi-dowle Udud waxuu ummadda ku maaweeliyaa haddii lay raaciyi waayo nabadgelyada waddanka ayaa khal-khal galaysa. Mucaaradkuna ismay waydiin cidan ku soo duulaysa ee xukuummaddu sheegayso waa tuma? Taasina waayaheeda ayey leedahay.

Waxaan ku soo gunaanadayaa, in asxaabta mucaaridka ahi aanay marnaba ka noqon waxa uu dastuurka lagu soo doortay qorayo, aanayna marnaba ka yeelin in maddaxa loo salaaxo oo ay hareer maraan dastuurka. Haddii taasi dhacdo ummaddii ay balanka la galeen way kaga baxeen ayey ka dhigantahay.

Ahmed Hassan Ahmed ‘ Quick ‘

Ottawa-Canada
waridaad@yahoo.com

No comments:

Post a Comment

The New Somaliland Press & Publications Bill 2007

The Somaliland Government has recently sent to the House of Representatives a new Bill on press and publications. The provisions of this bill (based almost entirely on the Yemen Law No: 25 of 1990 on the Press & Publications) run contrary to international norms relating to freedom of expression and the independence of the press and are not in line with the Somaliland constitution.
The considerable powers given to the Minister of Information (and other ministers) include even deciding on appeals from anyone whose writings have been turned down for publication by a newspaper’s editor (Article 46). These ministerial powers over the press and publishers/printers/distributors etc, the compulsory registration of all press and publication activities, including the practice of the profession of journalism, and the extensive criminal sanctions which add to the existing array of criminal offences in the 1962 Somali Penal Code contrast sharply with the current Somaliland Press Law (2004), which contains no criminal sanctions and is based on codes of conduct. Unfortunately the Somaliland Government has repeatedly made clear its dissatisfaction with the current press Law and has used the Penal Code and extra-judicial powers to detain and imprison journalists. It is no surprise, therefore, that the Somaliland Government is not putting forward amendments of the current Press Law, but is now proposing its wholesale replacement by this new Bill which introduces considerable criminal sanctions, such as fines and imprisonment (Article 99) for the infringement of its numerous provisions, as well as prohibition of continued practice of journalism or publication or even circulation of printed materials; confiscation of property, including printing presses (Article 101) and seizure of printed materials (Article 102)..........Full Text

The Isaq Somali Diaspora And‎ Poll-Tax Agitation In Kenya, 1936-41‎

Poll-tax agitation has been a fairly common phenomenon in Africa. On most occasions it has involved little ‎more than vocalized protest. In a few instances, however, it has led to resistance that has been both serious ‎and violent; the earliest example of the latter is probably to be found in the widespread Fante uprisings that ‎occurred immediately after the introduction of the Gold Coast Poll Tax Ordinance of 1852; a later example is ‎the Natal uprising of 1906 which has been attributed in large measure to the introduction of poll tax at the ‎end of the previous year. Yet the agitation by the Isaq Somali in Kenya did not follow either of these two ‎patterns. In several respects it was a highly unusual movement: first, the Isaq were campaigning to pay higher ‎taxation; secondly, in order to secure their aims they attempted to mobilize the whole Isaq diaspora, so that ‎Somali in Uganda, Tanganyika, British Somaliland and Britain were all involved in this agitation, (see map )‎.....Read the rest

The "Letter-of-Death" by General "Morgan" January 23, 1987

(Waridaad) - Following is the famous "Letter-of-Death" as translated into English by Mohamoud Sheikh Ahmed Musa, former President of the Supreme Court, including his explanatory notes as footnotes:1
The report is addressed to the President of the SDR, the Minister of Defence, and the Minister of Interior. The latter, Major-General Ahmed Suleiman Abdalla, is also a son-in-law of the President, and Third Deputy Prime Minister. Since President Barre is also the Minister of Defence -- the previous holder of that portfolio, General Mohamed Ali Samatar, having been promoted Prime Minister on January 30, 1987 -- the report is seemingly confined to family members. This would explain its extreme frankness in specifying certain clans as targets for implemented and recommended punitive action.
The target is the Isaaq Clan Family. The term "clan family" was first coined by Professor I.M. Lewis, Professor Social Anthropology at the London School Economics, to describe the collective name for each of the several major divisions to which Somali clans traditionally divide themselves. The Isaaq clan family sub-divides into four main clans.
Top Secret.......Read the rest