Hambalyo:Jaaliyada Somaliland Ee Germany Oo Hambalyaynaysa Xuska 15-guurada JSL.

Hadaanu nahay jaaliyada reer Somaliland ee Germany waxaanu halkan hambalyo iyo bogaadin sare uga diraynaa dhamaan dadka reer Somaliland ee dalka gudihiisa iyo xawlal caalamkaba kufiliqsan,sadexda xisbi qaran golaha guurtida iyo golaha wakiilada.

Hambalyadan oo ku aadan 15-guurada kasoo wareegtey maalinta gooni isu taaga jamhuuriyada Somaliland ee 18-ka may ee aynu dib ugula soo noqonay xornimadeenii mudo haatan laga joogo 46-sano kahor ku khamaaray ,taasoo aakhirkii ina geyeysiisey inaynu dib usoo celinteedii uhuray naf iyo maal aan laqiyaasi karin.

Ka dib markii aynu ku khasaaray wixii la odhan jirey Somaliweyn. Taasoo hadeer gacanteena ku jirta una bahaan in lagu fara adaygo oo ay tii hore inoo noqoto cashar lama ilaawaan ah ,waxaanaanu urajaynaynaa reer Somaliland inay kugaadhaan sanadkan sanadkiisa Nabadgelyo Badhaadhe iyo Horumar iyo weliba inagoo kamidnoqona Qaran kamida Qaramada Caalamka.

Ugu dambayn waxaanu ugu baaqaynaa dadka reer Somaliland ee Qurba jooga ah siiba kuwa Yurub inay siweyn oo xamaadsad leh uga qaybgalaan Banaanbaxa ictiraaf-raadiska ah ee kadhici doona 18-19-may Magaalada London.

Wa Billaahi Tawfiiq.

Hersi Osman

Frankfurt am main Germany

Qurba jooga beesha H/Awal oo taageeray go'aanka Salaadiinta, aqoonyahanada iyo waxdgaradka Beesha

Annaga oo ah qurbajoogta reer Somaliland ee ka soo jeeda Beesha Habar Awal kuna kala nool waqooyiga Ameerika, Wadamada Midowga Yurub, Bariga dhexe, Australia iyo daafaha adduunka intiisa kaleba waxa aanu halkan ku soo gudbinaynaa aragtidayada ku wajahan go'aanka qalafsan ah ee Golaha Guurtidu Muddada ku dheereysteen.

Haddaba annaga oo tixgelinayna sharafta iyo qadarinta ay naga muddan yihiin Golaha Guurtidu, ayaa haddana waxa fajaciso iyo amakaag nagu noqotay dariiqa qaloocan ee loo maray muddo kordhinta. Sidoo kale waxaanu la yaabnay in maxkamadii sare ee ka garnaqi lahayd arrintani ay ku dhex milanto muranka isla markaana noqoto aalad madaxweynuhu adeegsado.
Waxannu halkan taageero buuxda ku siinaynaa baaqii ka soo baxay shirweynihii salaadiinta, aqoonyahanada, culimada iyo guddida beesha Habar Awal ee ku yeesheen Hargeysa taariikhdu markay ahayd 14kii May,2003, kaasi oo ay beeshu ku go’aansatay in ay garab istaagto distoorka qaranka, codkoodana ku biiriso Xisbiyadda Qaranka, beelaha Ururada Bulshada, oo dhamaantood cambaareeyey go’aankan xaraanta ah.

Waxaanu qabnaa in go’aamada Madaxweynaha iyo Guurtidu yihiin qayru distoori aan waafaqsanayn distoorka qaranka, ahna kuwo aan lagala tashan golaha sharci dejinta ee lahaa go’aankeeda iyo dhinacyada kale ee ay arrintani khusaynaysay.

Sidaa daraadeed waxaanu ugu baaqaynaa Golaha Guurtida, Madaxweynaha iyo Maxkamada sareba in ay go’aankan sharci darada ah dib uga noqdaan kana raaligaliyaan bulshada reer Somaliland khaladkan distooriga ah ee ay ku kaceen.

Ugu danbeyntii waxaanu xasuusinaynaa in Somaliland ay ku soo caano maashay tallo wadaag iyo wadashi guud oo markasta oo xaalad adagi soo wajahdo lagaga bixi jiray iminkana looga fadhiyo in lagu xaliyo sidaas, iyadoo la tixgalinayo distoorka dalka u yaala.

Wabillaahi tawfiiq

Cabdixakiim Sulub

Afhayeenka HORSEED

US in secret alliance with Somali war lords fighting Islamic militia

By Alec Russell in Washington and Mike Pflanz in Nairobi

America is secretly returning to the scene of one of its greatest military debacles as it backs an alliance of secular warlords engaged in war-torn Somalia's recent eruption of fighting.

Memories of the disastrous 1993 intervention in Somalia, which climaxed in the shooting down of two Black Hawk helicopters and the deaths of 18 US soldiers, depicted in the film Black Hawk Down, still haunt the US military and the American heartland.

But amid escalating concerns that al-Qa'eda sympathisers are seeking to make Somalia a base for Islamist terrorism, it emerged yesterday that America is once again playing warlord politics, siding with a secular alliance of warlords against Islamic militias.

Such an approach backfired badly in the 1990s when American forces took sides and became embroiled in factional politics. However, a senior US administration official told The Daily Telegraph yesterday: "The president is not going to allow Somalia to become a safe haven for terrorists."

An estimated 130 people, most of them civilians, were killed and 300 injured after the latest surge in fighting between militia loyal to hard-line Islamic courts and forces allied to the alliance of powerful businessmen and warlords.

Officials in Washington would not confirm the precise nature of their involvement with the self-styled Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter-terrorism, which has been fighting for primacy in Mogadishu.

But they made clear that the key issue in their approach to Somalia was who was with them and who was against them in the fight against Islamist terrorism.

"Currently there is great instability in Somalia," the senior administration official said. "The United States is concerned that in this environment al-Qa'eda may use Somalia for a base for terrorist activities around the globe. Around the world the United States will work with regional and international partners to prevent countries becoming terrorist safe havens."

America is determined to limit the power of Somalia's Islamic courts. Although they help to provide some limited health services and schooling, the courts push Islam's sharia law and are thought to be sympathetic to al-Qa'eda operatives believed to be hiding out in Mogadishu.
Cells based in Somalia have been linked to the US embassy bombings in Nairobi and Dar es Salaam in 1998 and attacks on an Israeli airliner and a hotel in the Kenyan resort town of Mombasa in 2002, according to intelligence sources. A US intelligence official told the Washington Post that Somalia was a classic case of having to work with the "enemy of our enemy". US involvement is controversial in Somalia where memories of the American intervention which ended in a humiliating withdrawal run deep.

Hundreds of chanting Somalis marched through Mogadishu's lawless streets calling for peace and also denouncing any outside involvement. "We don't want people who take dollars to kill us," read one protester's banner. "Down with America, down with the warlords", read another.
Somalia is on its 14th attempt in almost 15 years to establish a government. The interim administration of President Abdullahi Yusuf has been paralysed by internal rifts since its formation in Kenya late in 2004.

Madaxweyne Riyaale Iyo Wefdigii uu Hogaaminayey oo Kulan La Yeeshay Wasaaradda Arrimaha Debedda ee Ethiopia

Madaxweynaha Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland Mudane Dahir Rayaale Kaahin iyo weftigii uu hogaaminayey ayaa maanta kulan qaatay saacad & badh ah (1 ½) ah kula yeeshay xafiiskiisa Wasiirka Wasaaradda Arrimaha dibada ee Dawladda Federalaaka ee Ethiopia Mudane Sayum Mesfin, kulankaasi oo lagaga wada hadlay danaha iyo iskaashiga ka dhexeeya labada dal ee walaalaha ah, Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland iyo Dawladda Ethiopia, waxa kaloo laga wada hadlay xaaladda Nabadgelyo, Siyaasadeed iyo dhaqaale ee Gobolka Guud ahaan, gaar ahaan labada dal ee walaalaha ah ee Ethiopia iyo Somaliland. Kullankaasi wuxuu ku dhammaaday is afgarad iyo walaaltinimo.

Waxa kaloo Madaxwaynaha JSL iyo wefdigiisuba isla maanta 12kii duhurnimo kulan kula yeesheen Xafiiskiisa Ra’iisal Wasaaraha Dalka Ethiopia Mudane Melez Sinawe, kulankaasi oo lagaga wada hadlay sii xoojinta danaha iyo iskaashiga labada dal ka dhexeeya. Isla kulankaasi oo Ra’iisal Wasaaruhu qado sharaf ku siiyey Madaxwaynaha JSL iyo Wefdigiisa, halkaasi oo Ra’iisal Wasaaruhu amar ku siiyey Wasiiro ka tirsan Golahiisa xukuumada inay dhakhso uga caawiyaan dhinaca korontada loona gaadhsiin lahaa JSL iyo inay ka hawlgalaan sidii jidka Wajaale Berbera loo dayactiri lahaa.

Kulankaasi wuxuu ku dhammaaday jawi isafgarad iyo walaaltinimo leh.

Allaa Mahad Leh

Cabdi Idiris Ducaale

Af hayeenka Madaxtooyada JSL

What is the Alternative ?

By Bushara Ahmed Gumaa, President of Darfur Friends Association (DFA)May 13, 2006, e-mail: darfurs_friends@yahoo.es

I do believe that there'll not be any lasting peace in Sudan while the Al-Intikas regime is still governing the country according to the unjust Naivasha Agreement: 52 % of the Parliament's seats for the the dictator Omar Al-Bashir's party, 28 % for the SPLM/A and 20 % for all the remaining parties of the country (14 % for the northeners, the westerners and the easterners, and 6 % for the southerners parties, those who don't belong to the SPLM/A. If the coalition NCP/ SPLM/A really want peace for whole the country, they should accept the modification of these unjust percentages that marginate the opposition groups in the Parliament, giving each region and each party its weight in the society. So as to obtain a pacific transition with the participation of all the political forces in the south, north, center, east and in the west. Or should immediately hold a free and fair elections.

Did Mr. Minni Arkou Minawi do the right thing in signing the Abuja Peace Agreement?
Any peace agreement that only signed in order to silence the guns, can stop the war for some years, but it could never bring about a lasting peace. This only can be achieved eliminating the reasons of the war. Otherwise, the Darfurian people who have suffered all kinds of humiliations and atrocities will hold the guns again, if they feel Cheated by the regime.

As I mentioned previously the Al-Intikas regime and the SPLM/A have built a very strong wall to protect their own interests. So, none of the rebel groups in any Sudanese region could destroy this wall or climbed it in order to share power with the NCP/ SPLM coalition. Unless, it accepts their abusive conditions.

I think Mr. Minawi under the international community pressure did the same as the other Sudanese rebel groups and political opponents who have already signed "peace" agreements with the regime: Mr. Sadiq AL-Mahdi left the NDA and the fighting, went back home and started a pacific political activities. Later, Mr. John Garang has signed Naivasha Comprehensive Peace agreement (CPA) with the regime on behalf of the Southerners, in spite of the rejection of the NDA. Moreover, the SPLM/A became part of the government. Some years later, the rest of the NDA's members have been forced by Egypt to sign a shameful "peace" agreement with the coalition NCP / SPLM that only guarantees jobs for the signers. All these false peace agreements had been signed this way, because the political opponents are not unite. Since, the Al-Intikas' regime is always using the tactic of divide and conquer.

The international community (AU, UN, EC and the US) doesn't worry about our legitimate demands, it just wants to end the conflict in order to cure its headache; because, Darfur is not Kuwait or Bosnia and we are Africans. This is the reason why it didn't put any pressure on the Al-Intikas' regime, by the contrary, it put high pressure on the rebel groups so as to sign the peace agreement, just because it has already been accepted by the Al-Intikas' regime. The mediators of the African Union (AU), Britain and the US and the United Nation Organization (UNO) even threatening sanctions against the rebels, if they refused to do so.
What is the alternative for Abdel Wahid and Dr. Khalil?

Mr. Abdel Wahid Mohamed AL-Nur has declared that he'll never sign the African Union Peace Proposal, unless it includes his demands. Because he things that the proposal only solves the humanitarian situation. At the same time he said that he is going to respect the cease-fire. Then what will he do in order to stop the continuos attacks of the Janjaweed militia against the indigenous civilians? How can he solves the disastrous situation of the refugees in Chad and the millons of the Internal displaced people inside Darfur?

From my point of view, if the internation community pays no attention to your legitimate demands and forced you to accept its conditions, then you have only one choice: to accept and do what they want you to do, or refuse to do so and fight against all. By the way, this last is a suicide.

Source: http://www.sudana.net

Bakaraaha Arms Market, the opposition and the militant fundamentalists.

Letter dated 5 April 2006 from the members of the Monitoring Group on Somalia addressed to the Chairman of the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 751 (1992)
A. Bakaraaha Arms Market, the opposition and the militant fundamentalists.

10. As reported by the Monitoring Group in the past in great detail, large quantities of arms are provided through the Bakaraaha Arms Market (BAM) in Mogadishu, where they are purchased chiefly by the opposition alliance and militant fundamentalists. The arms experts of the Monitoring Group have gathered details concerning some large deliveries of arms to BAM and subsequent purchases (see annex I). 1 Consistent with information previously reported by the Monitoring Group, it has also determined that a portion of the arms sold at BAM derive from arms-trading networks operating from the region.

11. BAM played a particularly notable and key role as one of the sources of arms supply to the Mogadishu-based opposition alliance during repeated bouts of fighting between it and the militant fundamentalists in January, February and March 2006;

they fought each other in a series of bloody engagements in Mogadishu and Afgooye, north-west of Mogadishu. As a result of the fighting, the arms supermarket was virtually emptied of arms and ammunition, but not before prices skyrocketed: single rounds for a PKM machine gun sold for $5 each. As has been the case for so many years, the business of war was good for the arms traders at BAM.

B. State support for the key players

12. According to information obtained by the Monitoring Group, a widening circle of States are providing arms and military-related support to Somalia in violation of the arms embargo. The Monitoring Group has obtained information that suggests that contributions to the three principal antagonists — TFG, the Mogadishu-based opposition alliance and the militant fundamentalists — are either clandestinely transported directly from the State concerned to the intended recipient or transported by way of intermediary maritime or airline companies to the intended recipient in an effort to disguise their true source. The contributions include arms and ammunition and military equipment such as trucks, uniforms, military rations and medical supplies. Military training, advice and direction are also being provided by States.
The details are as follows.

Djibouti

13. During December 2005, Djibouti supplied 3,000 military uniforms to TFG. Well-informed sources of the Monitoring Group advised it that the uniforms were delivered to the TFG military training camp at Kongo, in the greater Jowhar area.
14. In its reply to the Monitoring Group dated 21 March 2006, the Government of Djibouti confirmed the delivery of uniforms to TFG. However, the Government of Djibouti stated that the uniforms were intended for the police (see annex II).

Eritrea

15. In its report of 4 October 2005 (see S/2005/625), the Monitoring Group made reference to “another State in the region” as having committed arms embargo violations. The Monitoring Group did not identify the State by name because, at the time the report was prepared, the investigation had not been completed. The Monitoring Group now believes that it has obtained sufficient additional information to warrant naming the State as Eritrea. For the sake of presenting a more complete picture that suggests a pattern of activity involving arms embargo
__________________
1 Due to document-processing deadlines, the transactions indicated in annex I are current only up to 3 April 2006. However, the Monitoring Group will continue to update information concerning BAM transactions and present additional information, if available, to the Committee.

violations, the Monitoring Group has below reproduced the relevant paragraphs from that report, followed by the new information.

“36. The Monitoring Group has been informed that another State in the region [Eritrea] provided support to the opposition and ONLF in the form of arms. That State provided arms to opposition allies including Sheik Yusuf Indohaadde (Governor of Lower Shabelle), Sheik Hassan Dahir Aweys (an Al Itihad leader) and others for the purpose of countering support provided to
TFG by Ethiopia.

“37. Credible sources alleged that from approximately the beginning of February to the end of the second week of May 2005, that State supplied arms on approximately eight different occasions to Hassan Dahir Aweys and elements of ONLF that at the time were located in the Dhusamareeb area of the Galgaduud region. The arms were transported on aircraft that flew from the State in question to an airfield located in the Dhusamareeb area.

“38. Hassan Dahir Aweys had travelled to that central Somalia location to establish sharia courts and to provide military training to his militia (Al Itihad) or set up military training programmes. While there he also met with representatives of OLF and ONLF. Some were militia leaders who arrived in Dhusamareeb by aircraft from the State in question in April 2005. Also, during the last week of April and the end of the second week of May 2005, approximately three flights transporting 270 trained and equipped ONLF militia arrived in Dhusamareeb from that State. Most of the shipments of arms provided during the first part of the period mentioned above were given to Hassan Dahir Aweys, with the smaller portion going to ONLF.

“39. The Monitoring Group also received credible information that the same State provided another member of the opposition, Sheik Yusuf Indohaadde, with arms by transporting them to two locations in Middle Shabelle — by aircraft to Baledogle Airport, near Mogadishu, and by ship to the port of Marka. Both shipments arrived between 25 March and 10 April 2005. Included among the types of arms in the shipments were anti-aircraft guns and mines.

“40. The Monitoring Group noted above that Sheik Indohaadde and other opposition leaders from Mogadishu had provided arms to Habsade, opposition leader in charge of Baidoa, for potential use against TFG forces in the fight for control of that city on 30 May 2005. Subsequent to the battle, the Monitoring Group obtained two metal ammunition containers and photographs of other ammunition containers that were alleged by Monitoring Group sources to have been provided by the State in question.

“41. The Monitoring Group has further learned that an opposition leader and TFG dissident from Mogadishu travelled to that State during the middle of the mandate period to make arrangements with authorities there to obtain arms shipments. The State allegedly promised to give arms only to the opposition and in quantities that equalled what TFG President Yusuf received from other countries.”

New information

16. Sheik Yusuf Indohaadde arrived in Asmara on or about 14 November 2005 from Saudi Arabia. Indohaadde went to Eritrea to obtain assurances that arms would be supplied by the Eritrean authorities to the Al Itihad leadership in Mogadishu. Indohaadde returned to Somalia, arriving in Mogadishu on or about 21 November 2005.

17. Also, on or about 14 November 2005, officials from the Eritrean Foreign Office who were posing as businessmen arrived in Mogadishu. The team met with Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys. The same delegation also met with the spokesman of the members of the transitional federal institutions in Mogadishu, Colonel Omar Hashi Adan. Colonel Hashi briefed them on the situation in Somalia and thereafter appealed for intensive Eritrean support to match the continuous assistance given to the Jowhar group by the Ethiopians. The Eritrean officials told Colonel Hashi to make his request to the Eritrean representative in Mogadishu. The delegation also expressed a keen interest in supporting the militant fundamentalists for the purpose of using them as a platform to mobilize and support an anti-Ethiopia agenda, also directed at the Ethiopian opposition elements (insurgent groups).

18. The Eritrean envoy in Mogadishu is Elias Haite Talaze. As his ability to move freely about Mogadishu is limited, he operates through an informal local network of people, including a number of local assistants. The envoy’s activities are dominated by dealings with dissident Ethiopian ethnic groups who are concentrated in Banaadir and the Lower Shabelle regions. Accordingly, he has been instrumental in developing good cooperation between the militants and the dissident ethnic groups.

19. During the current mandate period, the Government of Eritrea provided at least four separate consignments of arms, ammunition and military equipment to the militant fundamentalists in Somalia, as follows:

(a) Around 3 March 2006, an aircraft with registration number E-B69 transported the following arms, ammunition and military equipment directly from Asmara to Baledogle airport (Lower Shabelle region), Somalia:

(i) 200 boxes of Zu-23 ammunition (anti-aircraft);
(ii) 200 boxes of B-10 ammunition (anti-tank);
(iii) 200 boxes of DShK ammunition (anti-aircraft);
(iv) 200 boxes of Browning M2 .50 ammunition (heavy machine gun);
(v) Ammunition for ZP-39 (anti-aircraft);
(vi) 50 rocket-propelled grenade (RPG) launchers and boxes of ammunition (anti-tank);
(vii) 50 light anti-armour weapons;
(viii) 50 M-79 grenade launchers;
(ix) Communications equipment to be mounted on technicals.
The consignment was delivered by Elias Haite Talaze to the Sheikh Abdisalan Ali Ibrahim, a military commander of the militant fundamentalists;
(b) Around 5 March 2006, an aircraft arrived at Baledogle airport from Eritrea, containing the following arms, ammunition and military equipment for the militant fundamentalists:

(i) 1,000 AK-47 (short version);
(ii) 1,000 pairs of binoculars;
(iii) 1,000 remote-control bombs;
(iv) 1,000 anti-personnel mines;
(v) Ammunition for 120mm mortar;
(c) Around 7 March 2006, and again around 14 March 2006, a dhow arrived from Eritrea at the port of El Ma’an, north of Mogadishu. The vessels contained ammunition for the militant fundamentalists.

20. The Monitoring Group sent a letter to the Government of Eritrea on 27 March 2006 requesting its response concerning the arms shipments reported to have taken place around 3 and 5 March 2006. In reply to the Monitoring Group’s letter, the Government of Eritrea denied responsibility for the shipments of arms and characterized the Monitoring Group’s information as “outrageous” (see annex III).

21. Information concerning the arms shipments reported to have taken place around 7 and 14 March 2006 was not sent to the Government of Eritrea for a response, as the Monitoring Group received such information only after dispatch of its letter.

Ethiopia

22. The Government of Ethiopia has provided at least three separate consignments of arms to TFG in Somalia, as follows:

(a) On 6 January and 12 January 2006, a total of 10 trucks loaded with arms and ammunition and covered completely to avoid identification arrived in Jowhar from Ethiopia. The major portion of the cargo was handed over to Mohamed Dheere, warlord and head of Jowhar administration and offloaded to his storage facilities, with some of the arms having been transferred to the military training facility at Kongo. A smaller portion of the arms was forwarded to Bashir Rage in Mogadishu. The shipments consisted of a variety of small arms, spare parts for small arms and ammunition, as follows:

(i) Small arms: 2,000 AK-47, 100 PKM, 1,500 G3, 100 RPG launchers, 10 DShK, 10 SKU and landmines;
(ii) Spare parts for ZU-23 (tubes), PKM (tubes) and empty magazines and belts;
(iii) Ammunition for ZU-23, ZP-39, DShK, PKM, RPG-2, RPG-7, B-10, D-30 (artillery), SKU, 120mm mortar, anti-tank mines, AK-47 and G3 rifles;
(b) On 28 March 2006, 10 metric tons of arms including mortars, PKM machine guns, AK-47 assault rifles and RPG (anti-tank weapons) arrived in Jowhar from Ethiopia, by road transport, after passing through the town of Qura-Jooma on the Ethiopia/Somalia border. The consignment was offloaded to a storage facility belonging to Mohamed Dheere.

23. The Monitoring Group learned that on 2 April 2006 Mohamed Dheere arrived in Jowhar from Ethiopia on board an Ethiopian military plane. The Monitoring Group also learned that during his visit to Ethiopia he had asked the Ethiopian

Government for additional military support for the opposition alliance, also referred to as the Mogadishu-based opposition. On the basis of the request, Ethiopia gave Dheere assurances of its continued support. The Monitoring Group has outlined in its past reports details of Ethiopian military support for Mohamed Dheere.

24. The Monitoring Group sent a letter to the Government of Ethiopia notifying it of the above information and seeking its response. The Monitoring Group had not received a reply by the time of the submission of the present report.

Italy

25. The Monitoring Group obtained information that the two shipments of military materiel (dual-use items) detailed below originated from Italy. The Monitoring Group further learned that both of the shipments were delivered to TFG at Jowhar, north of Mogadishu, and were subsequently used by the militias of TFG at their training camp at Kongo, in the Jowhar area.

(a) Between approximately 12 and 16 October 2005, the maritime cargo vessel MV Mariam Queen (known locally as the Abu-Maruyama) offloaded more than 18 trucks and a number of large, long, sealed boxes at the port of El Ma’an, Somalia. The boxes were under heavy security when they arrived on shore. Since their arrival, a number of the trucks have been used, in part, for transport of militia members at the TFG military training facility at Kongo, and at least three of the trucks have been mounted with anti-aircraft guns;

(b) On or about 14 December 2005, an Antonov 12, registration number ERADK, landed at the airstrip at Jowhar. Offloaded from the aircraft were a number of boxes. Printed on the outside of the boxes were words in Italian referring to the Italian military. Contents of the boxes included tents that were, in part, destined for the TFG military training facility at Kongo. The Monitoring Group obtained additional information indicating that the aircraft was one of a number of aircraft that landed at Jowhar during the same time period, containing similar cargo.

26. The Monitoring Group sent a letter to the Government of Italy concerning the shipments detailed above and received a reply dated 6 March 2006. With regard to the shipment of October 2005, the Government of Italy denied any involvement, stating, “the Italian armed forces origin, if indeed confirmed, of the vehicles …could only be explained by their having been purchased on the market, from stocks of materials deacquisitioned by our armed forces, and indirectly shipped to Somalia by a third party”.

27. With regard to the shipment of 14 December 2005, the Government of Italy confirmed the existence of the shipment and that it had financed six flights. However, the shipment of equipment was not addressed to the militias of TFG (see annex IV).

Saudi Arabia

28. During December 2005 the Government of Saudi Arabia provided, among other dual-use equipment, a quantity of military uniforms to TFG in Somalia, specifically to Hussein M. Aideed, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Interior. The items were transported to Mogadishu via a cargo container on a maritime vessel through the United Arab Emirates.

29. The Government of Saudi Arabia replied to a letter from the Monitoring Group detailing that shipment in a letter dated 27 March 2006. It confirmed the shipment, but stated that the assistance in question consisted of medical equipment, medicines and “anti-gas protective clothing” (see annex V).

Yemen

30. The Government of Yemen has provided one consignment to TFG in Somalia. Around 26 January 2006, the MV Mareb arrived at the port of the Bossaso, Puntland, Somalia, from Hodeidah, Yemen, containing approximately 15 Toyota Land Cruiser pickup trucks, 2,000 military uniforms, 2,000 pairs of military boots, 2,000 pairs of military socks, 2,000 hats and 1,780 belts. On 8 February 2006, an Antonov 12, with registration number ER-AXL, using call sign TET 1116, transported at least four of the Toyota pickups from Galkayo to Baidoa, delivering them to the Speaker of the Somali Parliament, Sharif Hassan Sheikh Aden. 31. On 2 April 2006, the Government of Yemen, consistent with the spirit and substance of the cooperation established between it and the Monitoring Group, provided detailed information acknowledging that it had shipped those uniforms to TFG in Somalia. However, it denied that the uniforms were intended for the military, insisting that the clothing was for the police forces instead.

Recent developments

32. Clandestine third-country involvement in Somalia was active during the reporting period. The Monitoring Group was informed that during January and February 2006, and at other times not specified in the present section, financial support was being provided to help organize and structure a militia force created to counter the threat posed by the growing militant fundamentalist movement in central and southern Somalia. The new force has been referred to as the Alliance for Peace Restoration and Combat against Terror (APRCT).

33. As of February 2006, APRCT reportedly involved the militias of dissident TFG Ministers, such as the Minister for National Security, Mohamed Qanyare Afrah; the Minister of Commerce, Muse Sudi Yalahow; the Minister for Religion and Endowments, Omar Mohamed Mohamud; and the Minister for Disarmament and Militia Rehabilitation, Botan Issa Alin. Also reportedly included in APRCT were businessmen such as Bashir Raghe Shirar and Abdirashid Ilqeyte and militia commanders such as Abdi Nurre Siayd, Abdi Shuri Ali Hersi and Isse Osman Ali.

34. Moreover, approximately between 18 and 22 February 2006 and between 22 and 25 March 2006, APRCT and militant fundamentalists fought each other in a series of fierce engagements in Mogadishu and Afgooye, located north-west of Mogadishu.

35. The Monitoring Group did not specify third-country involvement because at the time of the writing of the present report it had not completed its investigation.

Courtesy of Somalilandpatriots.com

Ummaddu Waa Inay Ka Tashataa Afweynaha Labaad EE Duminaya Dalka.

Wax badan ayaa laga qayshay qaabka kelitalisnimada kudhisan ee madaxweyne Riyaale dalka ku maamulo,ummadduna wax badan ayay u samirtay kana dhursugtaybal inuu ka leexdo jidka khaldan ee uu ku joogo kuna burburinayo dalka. Laakiin mar haddii ay maantacadaatay in Golihii Wakiiladda ee ummadda soo dooratayuu madaxweyne Riyaale hawshooda qaranimo carqalad kunoqdo isla markaana qiimaynwaayo go`aanadooda si cadna u diiday inuu soo dhiso xukuumad tayo leh oo u adeegtadalka iyo dadka waxaa markaas cad in madaxweyneRiyaale ku joogo jidkii Taliskii Siyaad Barre oo halisku ah nabadgelyada iyo jiritaanka JamhuuriyaddaSomaliland.

Ummadyahay dawlad-xumada maanta ku haysata iyo halistaay soo waddo adiga ayaa ka mas`uul ah waanad ogtahay.Waxaad gefweyn samaysay markii Daahir Riyaale Kaahinoo aad ogayd inuu u dagaallamayey Taliskii Siyaad Barre ilaa maalintii u dhacayey aad u doorataymadaxaweynihii dalka kana dooratay Halyeeyadii S.N.Mee kaa badbaadiyay dabar-goynta, qaran-jabka iyodhaxal-wareegga dhulkaaga. Xataa haddii madaxweyneRiyaale uu dhacay natiijada doorashadii madaxweynaha ee 14kii April 2003 waxaa arrintaas u suurtogeshaycodadkii xoogga lahaa ee la siiyay. Waxaa ummadyahayiskagakaa khaldamay is-cafinta Beelaha Somaliland eeuu isku diray Taliskii Siyaad Barre iyo dembiilayaasha ummadda ka galay dembiyada culus ee aan la cafiyikarinsida Daahir Riyaale Kaahin. Maxaad markaas kagaduwantahay neefka xoolaha ah ee leefaya gacantiigawricilahayd. Ilaahay ma dulleeyo qoom aan iyaguis-dullayn. Abaal-ka-dhacii foosha xumaa ee aad ku samaysay kuwii ku badbaadiyay kana dooratay kuwii kaqaybgalay dabar-goyntaada ayaa ka mas`uul ah dhibka kuhasta maanta ee dawlad-xumada iyo mustaqbal aan lagaranayn waxa uu noqondoono.

Guurtida waxaan leeyahay la mood noqonse weyday. Waa wax laga naxo in Riyaale oo qaran-dumis ah uu jeebkaidin gashado kadib markii uu idiin lulay cad-quudheedlagu burburinayo dastuurka, shuruucda, dawladnimada,iyo qaranimada Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland. Waxaan idin kula talinayaa inaad deg deg uga noqotaan go`aankiifoosha xumaa ee aad mudada xaaranta ah ku kordhisateenkuna salaysnaa danaystinimada iyo qaran-dumisnimadawaxna ka badbaadisaan dadka iyo dalka. Haddii aad talada toosan diidaan waxaad taariikh xun oo aanidinka hadhin la wadaagidoontaan Maamulka madaxweyneRiyaale ee qaran-dumiska ah.

Nabadgelyo uu hoggaankii dalku burburinayo oo aan siijiridoonin iyo aqoonsi hoosta ay ka mijaxaabinayaan kuwii keenilahaa yaan ummadyahay la idinku cabsigelinama beerlaxawsan ee waan in la is-badbaadiyaa si loohelo nabadgelyo dhab ah, horumar joogto ah oo dalkawada gaadha iyo aqoonsi.

Haddaba, haddii madaxweyne Riyaale oo maroorsaday awooddii dalka oo dhan, laalay dastuurkii iyoshuruucdii dalka, kala dhantaalay midnimadaii qarankaiyo dhulka Somaliland, boobay hantidii qaranka, iskudiray ummadda, halisna ku haya nabadgelyada iyojiritaanka qaranimada Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland aanu deg deg u bedelin siyaasadda uu dalka ku maamulo eegurracan, u hoggaansamin dastuuraka iyo shuruucdadalka, soo dhisin dawlad kooban oo tayo leh islamarkaana fulin go`aamada Golaha wakiillada ee danta uah dalka iyo dadka waxaa markaas waajib ku ah ummadainay ka tashato Afweynaha Labad ee dalka duminaya kanatabaabulshaysato sidii Maamulka Riyaale eeqaran-dumiska ah loogu ridilahaa KACDOON DADWEYNE ooxidhiidha ah oo ay hoggaamiso magaala-madaxda Somaliland Hargeysa. Kacdoon dadweyne waa habka uguhabboon ee maanta lagu ridikaro Maamulka madaxweyneRiyaale.

Waa in ummaddu ogaataa in dhibaatada ka dhalankartarididda madaxweyne Riyaale iyo kooxdiisa ay aad uga yaraandoonto dhibaatooyinka ka dhalanaya siijiritaanka Maamulka Riyaale. Waa in dulmiga daaraha kujira loogu galaa ee ku raaxaysanaya hantida ummaddalaga boobay ee laga baahanyahay dhan kastaba marka laridana deg deg loogu dhisaa xukuumad ku meel gaadh ahoo u adeegta danta dadka, dalka, dawladnimada, iyoqaranimada Jamhuuriyadda Somaliland.

Qore: Ibrahim Hassan Gagale

Email: Ibrahim_hg@yahoo.com

Saleebaan “Nuur”: Who Is He And What Kind Of “Nuur” Does He Bear?

The intrepid people of Somaliland now realize the colossal blunder they made in the 2003 presidential elections and are already reaping the fruits of their massive misjudgement and are now up to the neck with the guilt, shame, and pains associated with their presidential choice and for electing Mr. Dahir Riyaale Kahin, an unqualified, inexperienced, inept, mediocre, corrupt, nepotistic, phoney, liar, and a weak and slow to learn president with a dark history. Therefore, whatever seeds of discord this phoney president plant or the ills he continues to spread in the land are not knew or news or a surprise to the citizenry anymore. It is as if the people expect the worst from him all the time and resigned to continue licking their wounds and move on until such time that his tenure ends or resigns on his own accord or is impeached so that the winds of change could once again blow in the lands.

But what the poor and trusting people of Somaliland did not know is Mr. Saleebaan Mohamud Adan, the Chairman of the Guurti (House of Elders), an equally phoney leader, hypocritical rogue, scoundrel, pretender Elder, masquerader nationalist, wannabe maverick politician, power hungry, and a double-dealer demagogue that had all along been eyeing the seat of the presidency since he returned to Somaliland! In addition, what they did not know is that whether you baptize him to Saleebaan Mohamud to Saleebaan “Gaal” to Saleebaan “Nuur” to Haji Saleebaan to Chairman of the Guurti, a leopard cannot change its spots therefore Saleebaan remains to be the same Saleebaan – the phoney, greedy, masquarader, and double-dealer.

Although some Somalilanders particularly those of his own kin and kith as well as those in Odweyne who thought they knew him well who somewhat forgave him of his past crimes who even endorsed him to ascend to the seat of Chairmanship, which was then, a reputable and prestigious post in the House of Elders, what they did not know all along was that Saleebaan “Nuur” bears no light but, a sheer darkness that has now come to the surface and in the open by his latest actions.

What happened on Sunday, May 06, 2006 in which he conspired with the president as well as the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court or the Constitutional Court to disregard the democratic ethics and norms and the Constitution and the laws of land and to unlawfully and illegitimately circumvent the national election processes and to unconstitutionally increase the tenure of the Guurti and his own for 4 (four) more years to the year 2010 is the mother of all breach of the Constitution and the laws of the land in Somaliland. The deception of the trio as well as their pretentious argument they base on the illegitimate increment of the tenure of the Guurti and their own is hollow, absolutely unacceptable, and it will not stand.

In comparison, it is widely believed that the damage that the current president, the Minister of Finance, the Minister of Interior, the Minister of Planning, the Minister of Information, the Police Commissioner, the Chairman of Guurti, the Supreme Court Justice, and others have inflicted on the cause, people, and state of Somaliland on the inside is far greater than the damage caused on the outside by foreign enemies such as Boutros Boutros Ghali, Gheele of Djibouti, Abdiqasim Boy, Abdullahi Yusuf, ONLF Terrorists, and others as well as that caused by countrymen traitors such as Kaluun, Buubaa, Sifir, Jama Yare, and others!!

Nevertheless, in this case, the buck stops at the desk of the Chairman of the Guurti therefore he is responsible and accountable for conspiring and collaborating with his other two UDUB party rogue comrades, for trying to set back the forward moving democratic clock, for damaging the reputation; prestige, and neutrality of the Guurti (House of Elders) and for attempting to plunge this poor, unrecognized, and struggling people and state into unnecessary constitutional crisis and a possible political turmoil and instability in the Republic of Somaliland, the bastion of peace and beacon of democracy in the Horn of Africa region.

Recommendation:

Impeach the president.

Form an interim coalition government immediately.

Appoint a new Supreme Court Justice immediately.

Establish a Constitutional Court.

Disband the current deceptive and defiant members of the Guurti for their wanton disregard of the Democratic norms and ethics, for their sheer breach of the Constitution and the laws of the land, for attempting to sabotage the reputation; neutrality, and viability of the Guurti (House of Elders), an important national institution, and for endangering the Peace and Security, and stability of the state.

The selection process of the new members of the Guurti should be based on the percentages each political party achieved in the latest parliamentary elections, while considering the importance of the clan and regional representations.

The election bill for the Guurti currently before the House of Representatives should be passed immediately.

Farah Ali Jama,

Ottawa, Canada.

Facing Reality in Somalia

by J. Peter Pham, Ph.D.World Defense Review columnist

Imagine a country within the greater Middle East ambit that has successfully made the transition to electoral democracy with multiparty municipal, presidential, and, most recently, parliamentary polls. Moreover, imagine that despite virtually all of its citizens being Sunni Muslims, the country's national elections commission designates a progressive, foreign-based Christian non-governmental organization to coordinate the international monitoring of its parliamentary elections. And imagine that the incumbent president's party takes a drubbing at the polls, winning barely a third of the seats. Most audiences, if I were to tell them that I was not conjuring up Utopia, but describing a real life country, would probably question whether I was hallucinating, perhaps under the influence of the ubiquitous qat leaf popular in southern Arabia and the Horn of Africa.

The point is, however, that I am not hallucinating – much less doing so under the influence of mildly narcotic qat – but summarizing the largely unheralded developments over the course of the last few years in Somaliland, a self-declared republic in the northwestern region of the wreckage that is still labeled "Somalia" on most maps despite not having any of the recognizable accoutrements of statehood since at least 1991.

Bordered by Djibouti, Ethiopia, and "Somalia," as well as the Gulf of Aden, Somaliland has an estimated 3.5 million inhabitants whose ethnic, cultural, and religious homogeneity have kept them relatively free of the civil strife that has engulfed many of their fellow Africans. The Somalilanders are not rich: their largest source of income, aside from remittances sent home from relatives abroad, is nomadic or semi-nomadic livestock cultivation. However, neither material poverty nor the misfortune of being located in a less-than-propitious neighborhood has kept them from making an incredible run at independent democratic statehood.

From 1884 until 1960, Somaliland existed within its current borders as the protectorate of British Somaliland. On June 26, 1960, Somaliland was granted its independence by the British Crown and was internationally recognized as a sovereign state. When, a week later, the United Nations trust territory that had been the Italian colony of Somalia received its independence, Somaliland joined it to form a united republic. The union, however, was troubled from the beginning, especially after a military officer, Mohamed Siad Barre, seized power in a military coup d'état in 1969, suspending the constitutional, abolishing the national assembly, banning political parties, and taking the country he renamed the "Somali Democratic Republic" into the orbit of "scientific socialism."

Before the mercurial Siad Barre changed his mind and switch directions by adopting an Arab Islamist tack, his Soviet patrons had enabled him to turn his little country into the fourth most heavily armed place in sub-Saharan Africa – and he did not hesitate to use that power to violently repress any opposition, bombing, for example, Hargeisa, Somaliland's principal city, in 1988 during an attempt to destroy the Somali National Movement.

Amid the anarchy that ensued following Siad Barre's ignominious flight in January 1991, clan elders in Somaliland issued a declaration reasserting the independence that the northwestern region had briefly enjoyed in 1960. After some fitful starts, by 1996 a national accord had emerged around a civilian government led by Mohamed Ibrahim Egal which included a bicameral parliament which balanced an elected legislation-initiating House of Representatives and a conflict-resolving House of Elders (Guurti) which was vested with traditional moral authority. A formal constitution was drafted and approved by 97 percent of voters in May 2001, under which municipal elections were to be conducted in December 2001, followed by a presidential poll in March 2002. Both polls, however, were delayed due to difficulties with passing an election law and establishing an election commission.

President Egal died unexpectedly in May 2002 while undergoing medical treatment in South Africa and was succeeded, as provided for by the constitution, by his vice president, Dahir Rayale Kahin. Under Rayale, the delayed municipal elections were held in December 2002, with the president's Union of Democrats (UDUB) Party winning 41 percent of the votes and two opposition groups, Kulmiye ("Solidarity") and the Party of Justice and Welfare (UCID), making strong showings with 19 and 11 percent respectively. The results of the March 2003 presidential election were much closer with the incumbent President Rayale defeating his closest challenger, standard-bearer of Kulmiye, by 80 votes out of nearly 500,000 ballots cast (the opposition peacefully conceded the race after it failed to win a court challenge). The September 2005 parliamentary election to fill the 82 seats in the House of Representatives resulted in UDUB winning 33 seats, Kulmiye 28 seats, and UCID 21 seats. (With funding from the U.S. Agency for International Development, the International Republican Institute dispatched a seven-member team to observe the poll and file a report.)

All of this progress has been made in Somaliland despite little international attention, much less support. Meanwhile, more than a decade after the ill-stared Operation Restore Hope, the rest of Somalia still lacks anything resembling a functional government – not that such pragmatic considerations are an obstacle to the international community pretending otherwise. The self-proclaimed "Transitional National Government of Somalia," cobbled together in late 2004 after talks hosted by the African Union in Kenya and consisting of self-appointed warlords with ties to various African rulers of dubious democratic legitimacy themselves, enjoys the perks of international recognition, including funding (most of which presumably never gets anywhere near Somalia) and the use of the collapsed state's diplomatic missions, including a swank piece of real estate on East 61st Street on Manhattan's Upper East Side that purports to be the "Permanent Mission of the Somali Republic to the United Nations." That this "government" has not quite made it to "its" capital of Mogadishu has not stopped "President" Abdullahi Yusuf Ahmed from coming to New York to address the UN General Assembly (that Yusuf spends any time in Somalia at all is largely due to the Kenyans who, tired of their permanent "guests," finally evicted the "Transitional Government" from a resort on Lake Naivasha).

This farce would be risible were it not deadly. Somalia has Africa's longest coastline, straddling the trade routes of the Indian Ocean, the Gulf of Aden, and the Red Sea: not surprisingly, all 47 incidents of piracy reported for East Africa by the International Maritime Organization in its last quinquennial report took place in Somali coastal waters. And, as I previously pointed out in The War on Terrorism's Forgotten Front, all sorts of shadowy groups have found convenient haven in the vacuum of the failed Somali state, including the al-Qa'eda cell responsible for the 1998 bombing of the U.S. Embassy in Nairobi and al-Itihaad al-Islaami ("Islamic Union"), a Taliban-like group with ambitions to take over Somalia whose leader, Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, was fingered in the FBI investigation of the embassy bombing. Since the "government" of "President" Yusuf clearly impotent in the face of the Islamists radicals, its preferred coping strategy is to lash out against anyone who might not be so helpless.

In a BBC interview last week Yusuf accused the United States of backing several clan leaders who, tired of government inaction, gathered under the umbrella of the "Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and Counter-Terrorism" and actually fought against the armed Islamist militants in Mogadishu in March. While American officials have neither confirmed nor denied their alleged role in the clash, to Yusuf it is apparently preferable that nothing be done than for the remnants of his notional "authority" be shredded further.

The strategic calculus for the United States is pretty straightforward: a stable and developing Somaliland is a potential ally that bridges both a still-vital Middle East and an increasingly significant Africa; failed Somalia has already proven itself to be an ongoing security threat.
President Bush has declared that America's strategy in the war on terror is to "deny the militants future recruits by replacing hatred and resentment with democracy and hope across the broader Middle East ... If the peoples of that region are permitted to choose their own destiny, and advance by their own energy and by their participation as free men and women, then the extremists will be marginalized, and the flow of violent radicalism to the rest of the world will slow, and eventually end."

At the edge of that Greater Middle East, the people of Somaliland have made their choice for political independence and democratic progress. While they have stumbled occasionally along the way, their efforts deserve encouragement through the appropriate economic, political, and security cooperation – which, in turn, will anchor Somaliland within America's orbit as well as international society. As a beginning, a few modest steps would go a long way towards engaging Somalilanders, including a minimal consular presence in Hargeisa and some security cooperation through U.S. Central Command's Combined Joint Task Force-Horn of Africa, based at Camp Lemonier in nearby Djibouti.

Since the disintegration of the Siad Barre's oppressive Somali regime into Hobbesian anarchy and warlordism, the international community has staunchly defended the phantasmal existence of the fictitious entity known as "Somalia." Now, however, is the time for the United States to break ranks and let realism triumph over wishful thinking, not only recognizing, but actively supporting Somaliland, a brave little land whose people's quest for freedom and security mirrors America's values as well as her strategic interests.

— J. Peter Pham is Director of the Nelson Institute for International and Public Affairs at James Madison University in Harrisonburg, Virginia. He is also an academic fellow at the Foundation for the Defense of Democracies in Washington, D.C. His primary research interest is the intersection of international relations, international law, political theory, and ethics, with particular concentrations on the implications for United States foreign policy and African states as well as religion and global politics.

Dr. Pham is the author of over one hundred essays and reviews on a wide variety of subjects in scholarly and opinion journals on both sides of the Atlantic and the author, editor, or translator of over a dozen books. Among his recent publications are Liberia: Portrait of a Failed State (Reed Press, 2004), which has been critically acclaimed by Foreign Affairs, Worldview, Wilson Quarterly, American Foreign Policy Interests, and other scholarly publications, and Child Soldiers, Adult Interests: The Global Dimensions of the Sierra Leonean Tragedy (Nova Science Publishers, 2005).

In addition to serving on the boards of several international and national think tanks and journals, Dr. Pham has testified before the U.S. Congress and conducted briefings or consulted for both Congressional and Executive agencies.

Expedite The Debate On Public Law No. 21 And The Ad Hoc National Security Committees

The House of Representatives must take the leading position and assume the role of being the vanguard to defend and advance the cause, independence, and existence of Somaliland. In addition, it must be at the forefront to nurture and enhance our nascent democracy, to facilitate good governance and rule of law, to safeguard the civil liberties and Human Rights, and to spearhead the general political, economic, and social development of the citizenry and the state at all costs.

For these reasons, it is a high time that the House of Representatives to get its act together and expedite the debate on Public Law No. 21 and the ad hoc National Security Committees, which have been used time and again to undermine the Constitution and the Laws of the Land, to erode the roles of the constitutional courts, and to cripple the function and independence of Judiciary Branch in general. In fact, the Public Law No. 21 is Public Enemy No. 1 and the ad hoc National Security Committees are no different from the Siyaad Bare’s mobile “National Security Court” (“Maxkamadda Badbaadada”), and they are in reality nothing, other than, a tool for dictatorship and repression by tin pot dictators.

Although the previous unelected House of Representatives had indefinitely suspended the use of this unconstitutional law, and that the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court had on numerous occasions hinted on its illegality and his opposition to its continued use, this thickheaded administration continues to use it in an unfettered manner. And the real reasons behind the unconstrained use of this illegitimate law are:

To undermine the constitution, the role of the courts, and the laws of the land.

To undermine democracy, multiparty system, good governance and the rule of law, the constitution, and free market economy.

To undermine the function and independence of the Legislative and Judiciary Branches of government.

To intimidate the opposition parties and their leaders.

To acquire dictatorial and tyrannical powers.

To perpetuate an environment of constant arrogance, abuse of power, corruption, mismanagement, embezzlement of public funds, and misappropriation of public funds.

To create a situation of general uncertainty and instability in the country.

To violate the civil rights and Human Rights of the citizenry.

To silence voices of dissent and public protests, and in a thuggish manner dub its opposition whenever it is challenge or criticized as being “Enemy Agents”, Anti-state elements”, “anti-peace hooligans”, “Traitors”, “Treasonous”, etc.

Whatever the case, there is no doubt that deep down the hearts and minds of the opposition parties and leaders, the civil society organizations, and the general public particularly those in the Diasporas are fed up with the recurrent criticism and condemnation of this rickety administration whenever it uses the unconstitutional Public Law No. 21 and the ad hoc National Security Committees to violate the civil liberties and Human Rights of the citizenry.

So why not act now and repeal this absurd law that is clearly an affront to our budding democracy, constitution and laws of the land, and spare the people and the country the anguish and uncertainties emanating from the ongoing threats, violations of civil liberties and Human Rights, and the enormous grief that is being inflicted on the citizenry by this callous, corrupt, and inept administration since it came to power? Why should the opposition parties and the citizenry particularly those in the Diasporas be put into a state of constant vigilance and be left alone, each time, to take to task this runaway administration whenever it breaks the law or obstructs justice or violates the civil and human rights of the citizenry?

Overall, there is no doubt that repealing this law will defang and have a sobering effect on this rickety administration. In addition, repealing this law will certainly force the administration to moderate its current behaviour and attitude, and pave the way for a healthy political, economic, and social dispensation in the country.

Therefore, it is incumbent on the House of Representatives to expedite the debate on Public Law No. 21 and the ad hoc National Security Committees and nip in the bud the eradication of the dictatorial tendencies of this administration or future administrations. It is time to put up and repeal this unconstitutional law once and for all or to shut up.

Farah Ali Jama,

Ottawa, Canada.

Arab Mentality

Arab investments abroad (in non-Arab states) amount to 700 to 800 million dollars, while foreign direct investments in the Arab states do not exceed 10 million dollars, revealed Friday representative of the African Development Bank (ADB) in Cairo, Mohammed Hmidouche.

Speaking at the international conference on "Investment, Cultures and civilizations: Links and Impacts" held December 11-12, Hmidouche said Arab investments abroad are usually conducted in stock market, real estate and fixed term deposits.

Arab capital-holders usually entrust their money to brokerage companies in London, Geneva or New York, he explained, adding that the Arab mentality is a merchant's mentality, not one of entrepreneurs.

The ADB representative linked the meagerness of inter-Arab direct investments to "market narrowness, political risks and insecurity, deploring the "alarming situation" of the Arab private sector, which he said represses creativity and modernization, opting for imitation and foreign labels franchising.

According to Hmidouche, the situation in the Arab private sector is also due to its "traditional relations" with the administration, the absence of vision and of strategies to develop the private sector, lack of competition, monopolies, predominance of conservative family enterprises and management focused on short-term benefit.

The executive cited numerous other causes such as the absence of research and development (R&D) activities, massive recourse to bank loans instead of using one's own capital, systematic seeking of duties exemption and fiscal fraud.

He also deplored the prevailing nepotism in the private sector like in administration, the lack of reliable statistics, saying that major financial data and economic indicators vary from a financial institution to another (central banks, World Bank, IMF, UNDPÉ) and intellectual property is not respected despite adherence to international specialized organizations.

arabicnews.com

About Professor Iqbal and others

If we were to join Somalia again, something like this will happen to us in Somaliland.

•There would be a civil war in every region in Somaliland.
•My country would be ruled by ruthless war-lords.•Capital Hargeisa would be totally unlivable and outside the norms of the civilized world.
•There would be killings, assassinations, kidnaps, torture and maiming everyday around.
•The sea would be full of pirates and land full of cut-throats.
•Women would be offered for sale and rape would be as normal as drinking a cup of water.
•Nuclear waste would be dumped in every inch available.
•Desertification and ecological disasters would be the least of our problems.
•Our ports would be the export centre of drugs, body-parts and human trade.
•Our children would be taught on how to kill not how to read and write.
•We would be the breeding ground of local bandits and international terrorists.
•Man- made famine and diseases would the story of everyday.
•There would be no Government, no taxes and revenues, no parliament debating the budget.
•There would be no elections, no political parties, no National Institutions, no Judges, no nothing.
•Politicians would spend their time in humiliating conferences outside the country.

Those who are calling us to rejoin Somalia are swimming in a sea of blood and sharks. The stench of the dead bodies can be smelled miles away. I am running away from that miserable condition, yet they want to pull me back into their lake of horror. They never try to ask me on how I succeeded to avoid their predicament. Probably they do not want to get out ofthe mess. The only thing they shout out loud about ishow very bad I am by not sharing their plight! Their logic is that of crabs in a basket. They would enjoy had the sentence of doom on them was prescribed for every Somali anywhere. Woe betides you guys. Sorry I turn down your invitation. I can do better things than that. Instead I will pray for you. I will pray for us all. My brothers in Somalia cannot obviously help themselves. They do not possess the intellectual aura for that. They failed the test big time. MayAllah grant them his mercy? May a miracle come for them and set them right and straight. We in Somaliland thank Allah for showing us the right path.

I tried to make some sense of what has gone wrong in Somalia. YES it happened because of the cruel dictatorship of Siad Barre., but the historical roots are far beyond that. It goes beyond the bad leadership of the Majeerteen Administrations of the early sixties. It goes beyond the corrupt governo Saad, it goes beyond the Italian trusteeship, it goes beyond fascist rule, and it goes beyond the rule of the Arab slave trading sultanates. Certainly some of its roots lie in the differences of cultures and languages tha tare many in Somalia.

The Somali Mahaad tidhi do no tunderstand the Mai, the Bravan, the Bajun, and many other different languages around. The cultures and the look are so different. Everyone in Somalia doesnot see the other as an equal Somali with equal rights. That is why mass killings and robbing and raping is easy for them, for they see those people that they are killing as not people at all.

In early 90s a million people died in Baidhaba as a result of a deliberate scheme of mass extermination. It thus earned the international name of the city of death. Those who committed such atrocities did never even make a simple apology.They do not think that they did anything wrong. Now they came back to Baidhaba with the intention of committing the same crimes again.

God Forbid!! Most certainly the problems of the Somalia are rooted in land grapping. Arab land grapping, Italian land grapping, the SYL elite land grapping, the Darood land grapping, the present Habar gidir land grapping.

Somalia was always a history of misery, and the worst one is being brewed up right now. Look at the map. Everybody who lives in Mudug and to Bosaso wants to settle from Mogadisho to Kismayo. It is a story of occupation and displacement. I do not claim to understand what made Somalia what it is today, but one thing I know: It is the worst spot in the world today. It has has got a unique story of its’ own. It is a story of where Milosevic would be proud of. It is a story of where Charles Taylor would be proud of.

However, the best minds in the world. People like Iqbal Ghazbhay, Ali Mazuri, I.M Lewis, Mat Bryden and many others are proud of Somaliland. Somaliland is an oasis of peace, tranquility, harmony, brotherhood and wisdom.

Somaliland passed the test. We proved that we can live together, work together, build a society from scratch together. We proved we can make our own laws, our own institutions, our own democratically< elected Government. We are the jewel of the world. We are the bearers of the good and proud name that the Somalis are entitled to.

We proved to be more than equals to the most educated and most politically advanced countries in the world. We are the ones who up hold the Somali nations’ name damaged by those in Somalia.

Any friend of the Somali people, and any fair person would be proud of Somaliland and that is where professor Iqbal and the others I mentioned fall into the picture.. We thank them, we appreciate their contribution and our History will write them down in GOLDEN LETTERS.

Dr. Mohamud Tani

mohamudtmohamud_t@yahoo.com

Somalilands Diplomatic Breakthrough And Somalias Street Boy Politics

Somaliland Times, Issue 224, May 6, 2006 Editorial

Muhammad Dheere, the man who controls Jawhar once described Abdillahi Yusuf and the so-called government of Somalia as a bunch of “street boys” (ciyaala suuq). Evidence confirming Muhammad Dheere’s observation is coming out with an almost predictable regularity. Let’s take the reaction of the so-called Parliamentarians in Baidoa to the appointment of a new Ethiopian ambassador in Somaliland.

In typical “street boys” fashion, members of Somalia’s “parliament” engaged in a lot of shouting and chest-beating over this matter. In their wild frenzy, it looks like they never asked themselves (1) Is it wise of them with all the work that is awaiting them to spend so much of their time on Somaliland, (2) are they in a position to do anything about it or (3) what can they do about it. Anyone who is familiar with the situation of Somalia’s hopelessly dysfunctional government, knows that the answer to the three above questions is a big no, which means Somalia’s politicians were wasting their time over something they could do nothing about. But again, those who were acting upset the most did not really want to do something about it. What they wanted was to embarrass and score points against the hapless “prime minister” Ali Geedi who is known to be close to Ethiopia.

Feeling cornered, Ali Geedi showed that he is no different than the rest, that he too, politically speaking, is one of the street boys, so he manufactured a letter and attributed it to Ethiopia. The letter basically said that Ethiopia has not recognized Somaliland. But in his hurry to get himself off the hook, and being “a street boy” who is neither used to working under pressure nor well-versed in the art of composing and deciphering diplomatic messages, Ali Geedi provided several clues that he made up the letter. One of them was that it was a weekend and Ethiopian government offices were closed. Two, the letter was sent by one of his associates in Addis Ababa. Three, the letter ended with the Arabic phrase “Wa-billahi al-Tawfiq”, a phrase that the Ethiopian government is very unlikely to use.

Somalia’s parliament and Ali Geedi having shown their political poverty, it was the turn of their head honcho, “president” Abdillahi Yusuf to expose his ignorance and amateurism to the world.
It happened in an interview he gave to the Associated Press. In that interview, he criticized the US for arming and financing Mogadishu’s warlords and ignoring him. He did not stop there, but went on to instruct the US to order the warlords to work with his “government”, so that his “government” could then help the Americans in their fight against terrorism. Again, in the typical “street boy” style that is characteristic of him and the rest of the crowd that recently moved to Baidoa, it seems he never asked himself why the US would want to deal with him when they know (a) he is scared to death of going to Mogadishu, (b) their targets are in Mogadishu, and (c) they can hire some people already in Mogadishu to get the job done.

When asked about warlord Abdillahi Yusuf’s comments, the Associated Press wrote, “State Department spokesman Sean McCormack said he did not know ‘the origin of these remarks in terms of what he has in mind’”, a polite way of saying we know Abdillahi Yusuf, he is an idiot, don’t listen to him.

And just like in the case of Ali Geedi and Somalia’s benighted parliamentarians, the evidence that we are dealing with just another Somali street-boy who only knows street politics and does not understand higher level politics is provided by Abdillahi Yusuf and his government. The Associated Press summed it up this way: “Somalia has not had an effective central government since clan-based warlords overthrew the government in 1991 and then began fighting each other. A transitional government headed by Yusuf was formed in October 2004 but its members quickly split over what the government's priorities were and where it should be located. It only controls a few cities and Yusuf spends much of his time out of the country.”

Being someone who functions at the level of street politics, when he sat for being interviewed, Abdillahi Yusuf probably thought he could tell the Associated Press correspondent whatever he wanted and get away with it. He most likely never thought that the correspondent knew his government was not much of a government, and he almost certainly never thought the correspondent knew and would write that “Yusuf spends much of his time out of the country.”
A president, parliament or government that does not know its priorities, spends most of its time outside the country and makes unreasonable and unrealistic demands on foreign governments, is not, and should not be taken seriously. Somalia’s “president”, “parliament” and “government” fall squarely within this category. Neither Somaliland nor Ethiopia should be distracted by their gimmicks and temper tantrums. Somaliland-Ethiopian relations are too important to be affected by a bunch of street boys in Baidoa. Welcome to Somaliland, Mr. Ambassador.

President Mbeki's Legal Advisor Listens to Student's Views on Somaliland at Pretoria University

Awdalnews Network-PRETORIA, 6 May 2006--Advocate Mojanku Gumbi, who is the legal advisor to President Thabo Mbeki, visited the Centre for Human Rights on Thursday 4 May 2006. Advocate Gumbi had lunch with the students on the Master of Laws (LLM) programme in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa.

A presentation of the LLM programme was made and this was followed by a presentation by one of the students - Sonkita Conteh from Sierra Leone. Sonkita’s presentation was about the Somaliland field trip which was one of the three countries that students on the programme visited during this year’s field trips. After the presentation by Sonkita there was ample time for Advocate Gumbi to engage with the students about the issue of recognition of Somaliland as a state. Other issues that were discussed included the major challenges that Africa faces.
Among those present was Dr Iqbal Jhazbhay who teaches at the University of South Africa (UNISA) and who is the representative of Somaliland in South Africa. Also present was Mr Pitso Montwedi from the Department of Foreign Affairs.

Advocate Gumbi also held a separate meeting with Prof Christof Heyns, the Director of the Centre for Human Rights.

The Ethiopian Flag is Flying Over Hargeisa, Cries TFG MP

BAIDOA, May 6, 2006 (Somaliland Today)- There was uproar from the parliamentarians of the Embaghati-formed Transitional Federal Government (TFG) on Friday after they have learnt Ethiopia had sent an ambassador to Somaliland.The parliamentary business of the day was overshadowed by angry MPs who wanted the prime minister, Mohamed Ali Gedi, and his foreign secretary to clarify the special diplomatic status conferred upon Somaliland by Ethiopia. Neither the prime minister nor his foreign minister was available to answer these questions at the time.

At least three MPs reacted angrily to this new development. One of them, Mohamed Abdi Yusuf, a former communist and confidant of the ousted Somali dictator, Mohamed Siyad Barre, said, “We took an oath to preserve the inviolability of Somalia’s unity and territorial integrity and therefore cannot accept Ethiopia to divide the Somali state. This is absolutely a violation of the international law and contrary to the norms between nations”.

“The flag of Ethiopia is flying above Hargeisa today,” cries Abdullah Boos Ahmed, a renegade MP who hails from Erigavo, Somaliland. “The diplomatic representative that Ethiopia has sent to Hargeisa is a veteran diplomat. He was a former ambassador to Finland. We need a clarification from the Prime Minister and foreign minister on this matter”.

Prime Minister Gedi read a statement in the parliament on Monday, saying Ethiopia did not send an ambassador to Somaliland. Gedi attributed the statement to the Ethiopian government but a spokesperson for the Ethiopian foreign office swiftly denied issuing any such statement.
The Ethiopian ambassador, Wubeshet Demmise, was received by Somaliland president Dahir Riyale Kahin on April 29. His arrival in Hargeisa was hugely welcomed but contrastingly triggered a political commotion in Baidoa- the temporary seat of the TFG where authorities there interpreted the sending of an ambassador to Somaliland as a step closer to recognition. Ethiopia does not however officially recognise Somaliland but the relationship between the two countries has been steadily improving ever since the Berbera corridor was opened- a major catalyst for trade and economic development between the two countries.

The TFG has no country to rule and has no permanent base from which to function, yet it is recognised by the international community. Conversely, Somaliland enjoys a relative peace, stability and a functioning administration throughout much of the country. Nevertheless, at fifteen years old Somaliland remains unrecognised.

“I cannot possibly understand why our brothers [the TFG officials] are so sickened to death by our relationship with Ethiopia,” said Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud, the Chairman of KULMIYE, the leading Somaliland opposition party.

Somaliland broke away from Somalia in May 1991 and declared independence from Mogadishu. The overwhelming majority of people there no longer desire to have any association with Somalia.

An AU fact-finding mission to Somaliland between April 30 and May 4, 2005 concluded its report, "The fact that the union [Somalia and Somaliland] was never ratified and also did not work to satisfaction while it lasted from 1960 to 1990 makes Somaliland's search for recognition historically unique and self-justified in African political history. As such, the AU should find a special method of dealing with this outstanding case”.

Somaliland has introduced democratisation process in its quest for statehood. In May 2001, a new constitution establishing a multi-partly electoral system and the independence of Somaliland was approved by referendum. Municipal elections followed in December 2002 and a fiercely contested presidential election was held in April 2003.

In September 2005, Somaliland’s transition to multiparty democracy was formally completed when elections were held to an 82 member Parliament. Since then, international interest in Somaliland has grown noticeably.

Adam Ismael

Somaliland Today

Khilaaf Iyo Loolan Siyaasadeed Oo Mijo Xaabiyay Shirweynahii UDUB

Muddo hadda laga joogo laba todobaad ayaa waxaa shir iskugu jimid xubno aad ugu dhaw madaxweynaha talada dalka Haya Mudane Daahir Rayaale Kaahin oo mansabkoodu yahay guddida fullinta Ee Xisbiga UDUB, shirkaasi ka dibna waxay badankood isku waafaqeen ajande ay soo diyaariyeen xubnahaasi badankoodu oo dhigaayey in guddida fullinta ee Xisbigu isku waafaqsanyahay musharaxnimada Madaxweyne Rayaale ee Xisbiga UDUB doorashada kal danbe ee 2008, isla markaana xilka musharaxnimada ee ku xigeenka ay ka xayuubiyeen madaxweyne ku xigeenka Axmed yuusuf yaasiin iyagoo ku sababeeyey inuu hawshiisii gudan waayey, balse inyar uun ka dib ayaa xubno kale oo ka tirsan guddida fullinta ee xisbiga UDUB waxay jaanta ugu wadheen xubnahii go'aankaasi gaadhay inaanu ahayn mid shaqayn kara ee uu yahay majara khaldan oo loogu gogol xaadhayo madaxweyne rayaale, waxaanay sheegeen inaan xisbiga UDUB guul ka soo hoyn doonin doorashada kal danbe haddii madaxweyne rayaale xilka doorashada isa soo taago, xubnahani oo taageersana madaxweyne ku xigeenka Mudane Axmed Yuusuf Yaasiin oo isaguna loolan hoose ugu jira musharaxnimada madaxtooyada ee xisbiga tallada haya ee UDUB, ayaa waxay ku adkaysteen inaan qorshahaasi noqon dooni mid meel mar ah.

Ka dib is qabqabsi iyo kharbudaad saaqday xisbiga tallada haya ayaa madaxweyne rayaale sida la sheegay wuxuu waraaq qoraal ah usoo diray Xoghayaha xisbiga uu ka taliyo Maxamed Ismaaciil Bulaale waxaana madaxweyne rayaale warqadiisaasi uu amar ku siiyey xoghayaha guud inuu muddo hal sanno ah dib u dhigo shirweynahii xisbiga Tallada haya ee UDUB isla markiibana xoghayaha guud wuxuu iclaamiyey amarkaasi madaxweynaha, taasi waxay ka cadhaysiisay madaxweyne ku xigeenka iyo xubno isaga taageersan waxaanay ku tilmaameen go'aankaasi mid aan shaqayn karin, madaxweyne ku xigeenka mudane yaasiin oo weraysi siinaayey mid ka mid ah wergeysyada ka soo baxa magaalada Hargeysa ayaa ku sheegay sharci darro dibu dhigista shirweynahaasi, wuxuuna ugu baaqay xubnaha guddida golaha dhexe ee Xisbiga UDUB inay shirweynaha iskugu yimaadaan wakhtigii ballantu ahayd oo ah muddo bilo hadda inaga xigaan, dad badan ayaa markiiba laabta iyo quluubta waxay kala soo boodeen tallow tani ma burburkii xisbiga tallada hayey ee madaxweyne cigaal aas aasay ayaa mise tallow go'aan qaadashada xisbigu waa mid gadaal danbe laga sixi doono. xogo badan oo shabakadda wararka Ee Somaliland.Org ka heshay kambuulada xisbiga tallada Haya ee UDUB ayaa daboolka ka qaadaya inuu jiro khilaaf cakiran oo u dhexeeya xubnaha ugu sareeya ee Xisbiga UDUB, kuwaasi oo maalmahii ina dhaafay wadday gaashanbuuraysi hoose iyo is xulafaysi ay doonayaan inay ku kasbadaan taageerada xisbiga, waxaana labada dhinac ee loolanku ka dhexeeyo u kala gadh-hayeen ah madaxweyne rayaale iyo ku xigeenkiisa Axmed yuusuf yaasiin oo muddooyinkani danbe aan isku sal banaanayn, dabaysha loolanku waxaa sidoo kale aanay ka maqnayn guddoomiyaha golaha guurtida saleebaan Maxamuud aadan oo isaguna ku jira loolan hoose oo uu doonaayo kasbashada musharaxnimada xisbiga UDUB, balse weli taasi kama ay soo shaac bixin dhinaca guddoomiyaha golaha guurtida, xubnaha wasiiradda ee xukuumadda madaxweyne rayaale ayaa hadda u muuqda qaar kala xuub siibtay, waxaana wararku tibaaxayaan inuu madaxweynahu hadda waddo qorshe uu doonaayo inuu biyaha shaandhada kaga miiro xubnaha aan isaga dhinaciisa taabacsanayn, loolankani xubnaha sare ee xisbiga UDUB u dhexeeya ayaa wuxuu gaadhay heer madaxweyne rayaale uu dib u dhigay safar ugu qorshayna inuu ku tago todobaadkani magaalada addis ababa oo uu kaga qayb gallaayey shir ay leeyahiin dalalka ku bahoobay urur weynaha midnimada afrika, muddo hadda laga joogo afar usbuuc ayaa madaxweyne rayaale iyo ragga kala taliya qorshayaasha siyaasadda arrimaha gudahu waxay jaan gooyeen mu'maraad casri ah oo la doonaayey in khilaaf lagu dhex abuuro madaxweyne ku xigeenka iyo wasiirka daakhliga oo xaalkoodu gaadhay ilaa heer maxkamadeed, qorshahani oo sida la sheegay ahaa in labada masuul laga dhigo kuwa loolan hoose oo dhinaca tallada dalka ahi ka dhexeeyo, isagoo madaxweynahuna doonayey inuu hanto masayrka xisbigiisa UDUB markalana usoo sacabo tunto xilka qarranka muddo 5- sanno oo kale ah, balse isweydiintu waxay tahay Axmed yuusuf yaasiin tallow ma higsan karaa hilimada humagaysan ee madaxweyne rayaale war jiraaba cakaara waa iskeeni doona.

MOHAMED ABDI HASSAN (DIRIDHABA)

Somaliland.Org, Hargeisa

diridhaba@gmail.com

Honorable David McGuinty and Honorable Hussein Egeh

On the 25th of April, exactly at 1:00 PM we were ushered into the office of Mr. David McGuinty, the Honorable member of the Canadian Parliament from Ottawa- South. We were escorting his Honorable Mr. Hussein Egeh, the chairman of the foreign affaires committee of the parliament of Somaliland. This event was prepared by three of the most illustrious activists of the Somaliland cause in Ottawa, thecapital city of Canada.

1- Mr. Ahmed Hassan Ahmed- Quick, the mastermind of the Ottawa E-mail group, the managing editor of theWaridaad blog, the head of the Kulmiye party in Ottawa, and a member of the liberal party of Canada, and a close friend of the ex-liberal MP from my riding Mr. Marc Godbout.

2- Mr. Rashid Hussein Ali-Lufthansa, a great activistand contributor to both the Somaliland causes and tothe African francophone communities in Ottawa, afriend of ex-Minister for Africa, the liberal MP from Ottawa-Vanier, Mr. Mauril Belanger.

3- Mr. Ahmed Said Hiir, former Executive Director ofthe Somaliland Center, and a big friend of Sheila Copps, the former deputy Prime-Minister of Canada.Unfortunately Mr. Hiir did not accompany us to the parliament, however, the three of us and Mr. Egeh had quite a pleasant discussion with Mr. McGuinty.

Mr. Egeh began the discussion by thanking Mr. McGuinty for the wonderful opportunity he is giving to him in his mission of trying to strengthen the ties and the relations between Canada and Somaliland. Mr. Egeh then proceeded to talk about the democracy in Somaliland,the recent election for the parliament in which he wona seat from a party that in the opposition. He explained to the Canadian MP how in Somaliland it is the opposition that leads the parliament, and how that shows the maturity of the democracy in Somaliland. We also participated the discussions, and Mr. Quicky explained to Mr. McGuinty, how in Ottawa-Carleton, the majority of the Somali people are members of the Somaliland Community, and how most of them support the liberal party.

Mr. Lufthansa explained to his honorable Mr McGuinty on the differences between Somalia and Somaliland. Hetalked about the different colonial history, and howbecause of that and other factors we are two different countries as distinct as Mozambique and Zimbabwe, or as Libya and Tunisia or as Eritrea and Ethiopia. Furthermore, Mr. Lufthansa emphasized that inSomaliland we were practicing democracy for 15 years,without any external help. While in Somalia with billions of aid, with peace keeping armies of thewhole world and with best intentions of all the international experts, the place still belongs to jackals and war-lords. God have mercy on them, but the world can now understand why we are going our way.Mr.

McGuinty was very pleased with Mr. Egeh and the message he was giving to the western world. He thanked him for coming and promised that he will do all he can for the fledgling democracy in Somaliland, which he termed as a great hope for Africa.

Mr. McGuinty told us that he worked in West Africa fora period of three years. He also worked several years in Europe. Therefore, he is a man aware of the world outside North America, and that is a plus.

Finally, I asked him whether as the rumors are saying,he will run for the Liberal leadership and will become Canada’s next Prime Minister. He did not answer that question.

In conclusion, let me put it this way. That day inwhich the two democratically elected MPs, one from Somaliland and the other from Canada were discussing abetter world, was a day that could be described as awonderful and a memorable day. It will go down to the history of both nations. According to my observations and predictions, it was the first of its kind, but surely it will not be the last.

Mohamud Tani

President Rayale Sacks Minister Of Trade And Industry

Hargeisa, April 30, 2006 (Somaliland Today)- President Rayale sacked his Trade and Industry minister, Noah Muse Sheikh Omar, last night.

The news came late last night from a broadcast on the state-run Hargeisa Television following a statement issued from the president’ office.

The minister failed to fulfil his national duty, the statement added.

No one has yet been nominated to fill the post.

Mr. Omar was offered this job following the dismissal of his predecessor, Minister Mohamed Hashi, who was sacked by Rayale after he had publicly revealed that the government was missing 16 million dollars in public funds from its budget paper two years ago.

Somaliland Today Newsdesk.

URGENT WARNING ON DARFUR PEACE PROCESS!!!

URGENT WARNING ON DARFUR PEACE PROCESS!!!From Darfur Friends Association (DFA)
By Bushara Ahmed Gumaa, President of DFAApril 29, 2006

For all those who suffer in Darfur:

Any peace agreement that only signed in order to silence the guns, can stop the war for some years, but it could never bring about a lasting peace. This only can be achieved eliminating the reasons of the war. Otherwise, the Darfurian people who have suffered all kinds of vexations, humiliations and atrocities will hold the guns again, if they feel Cheated. So, I think its better to negotiate for a decade and enjoy a lasting peace than signing an agreement today and tomorrow lament and renegotiate.

Dear negotiating brothers:

Al-Intikas' regime is just looking for an occasion to reduce the international pressure that is asphyxiating it. Therefore, please do not disappoint our people and our martyrs falling in the trap of our hangmen. Be strong and defend our legitimate rights!!!

Source: http://www.sudana.net

Duqa Hargeysa Oo Mar Kale Dab Ka Hurinaya Dunbuluq

Duqa Caasimada Hargeysa Xuseen Maxamuud Jiciir oo 12 April 2006, ka soo laabtay Safar uu ku tegay London, kaasi oo uu kaga gabanayey Mooshin la rabay in xilka lagaga qaado, dhacadadii 4 februari ee Inji awgeed. Maayar Jiciir oo ka badbaaday Mooshinkan ka dib markuu dhaameel u daadiyey tiro badan oo ka tirsan Golaha deegaanka ee Hargeysa. Duqa Jiciiir oo inta badan loo tiriyo inuu masuul ka ahaa dhacdada inji ee ay ku nafwaayeen 6 muwaadin oo reer somaliland ahi, 40 ruux in ka badanina ay ku dhaawacmeen, ayaa Hadda wada qorshe cusub oo uu dab hor leh kaga holcinayo Dunbuluq, kadib markuu u ogolaaday nin ay isku beel yihiin lana yidhaah Cali Bootaan inuu dhisto, banaan danguud oo ka horeya Bakhaarka Inji ee Waqooyi ka xiga Dugsiga Xalane, bakhaarkaasi oo uu maayarku hore odaygaasi ay qaraanbada yihiin si sharci daro ah uga kireeyey.Hadaba waxa is waydiinleh muxuu Maayar Jirciir uga danleeyahay hurint a Dabkan cusub. Dadka indho indheeya siyaasadu waxay qabaan inay duqa arintani ka tahay laba arimood mid kood.

1- Maadama arintii hore ee inji ee uu masuulka ka ahaan aanay deero deero u hirdiyin, dadkii dhintayna looma ooyaan lagu sheegay, doorashooyinkii golahayaasha deegaanadada, sanad uun inooga hadhay waxay arintani jiciir ka tahay: Waxaad dhici karto dhac, waxaad qasi karto qas, xilkan waad ku negaan inta kuu hadhay dhaameel ku filan mudaneyaasha golaha deegaankana, waad haysataa ama Ina afdiine iyo intaad u qaraabo kiishid ka waayimaysid .

2- Qayb kale ayaa aaminsan In maayar Jiciir Qayb ka yahay in badan oo madax reer Somaliland ah oo rabta in dalka qas la geliyo, Nabad gelyadana faraha laga saaro, si loogula huleelo xagaa iyo Cabdilaahi Yuusuf, qaybtan oo aaminsan ee Maayar jiciir yahay wakiilka Cabdilaahi Yuusuf ee Hargeysa, waxay doodada sal uga dhigayaan arimaha:-

Bishii Feb.15,2005 wuxuu maayar Jiciir tegay Djibouti oo kula kulmay Ismaaciil C. Geelle tigidhka iyo sahaydaba wuxuu ka isticmaalay khasnadda D/hoose ee Hargey, halkaas wuxuu ku maqnaa wiig ka dibna wuxu ku soo laabtay Hargeysa; Laba wiig ka dib ayuu u duulay Nayroobi isaga oo mar kale kharashka tigidhka iyo sahadaba ka isticmaalay khasnadda D/hoose ee Hargeysa. Warar xog ogaal ahi waxay tibaaxayaan inuu halkaas kula kulmay C/llahi Yusuf oo u soo igmaday innuu wakiil uga ahaado dawladiisa Hargeysa- Isku xidhka maayarka iyo C/llahi yuusuf waxa ka shaqeeyey Madaxweyne Geelle. Waxa xusid mudan in Maayarku uu ka mid ahaa ka qayb galayaashii shirkii carta, halkaasina ay ka bilaabantay aqoonta madaxweyne Geele iyo Maayar Jiciir.

Hadaba Waxa loo baahanyahay in shacab arintan ka hortago, isla markaana muwaadiniinta jecel dalkoodu ay si taxadirle ula socdaan hagardaaamooyinka lala beegsanayo.Fiirsado dhacdada hada shacabka ee dhul dad leeyayahay ee Wasiirka Hawlaha guud u siiyey shirkada total oo uu leeyahay mulkiilaha Daalo(Colaad).
Khadar Xareed.


Wadani006@hotmail.com